Methodologies employed to preserve knowledge

The findings reveal that there are different methodologies employed by healers to externalise their knowledge for preservation. The study revealed that the older healers still prefer the old tried and tested way of preserving their knowledge by depending on their memories to know and handle different herbs. The current generation of healers have access to books, most have gone to modern schools, and they have different ways of preserve their knowledge.

The findings suggest that some healers are documenting their knowledge. After collecting and grinding the herbs, healers recorded a piece of paper with the herb name and placed it inside the container together with the herb. This exercise came in handy especially in situations where containers are the same or where the herbs were grinded by someone else and another does preparing of medicines for patients. This method allows people to know what is in the containers and such herbs can be used even in the absence of the healer.

Almost similar to having names of herbs inside the container, other healers use labels to identify their herbs. Healers attach labels to the containers and write the herb name on the label outside the container. This method works the same way as the method discussed but saves a lot of time and is more convenient. Instead of opening every container to find a particular herb, the healer will simply read the labels and collect the correct herb.

The findings also suggest that a notebook is used to record full details of the herbs so that it can supplements the methodologies mentioned above. This book contains all the names of the herbs and their uses. There is no standard way of recording these herbs in that particular book. Some healers organised herbs according to their functions, that is, herbs that are used on children are grouped together and those that are used for sexual problems are grouped

172

together so on and so on. These books are written by hand and each individual is responsible for their own book. Healers will continue updating this book every time they come across new information. The writing of these notebooks was sometimes motivated by the fact that some of the trainees cannot afford to attend training for many months because of job commitments and family responsibilities, as a result such healers keep record of everything they are taught so that they can refer when they get home.

The findings also suggest that some healers believe that it is the responsibility of the ancestors to preserve knowledge of traditional healing. They believe that the ancestors keep the knowledge safe until they identify someone deserving so that they can pass it on to. This crop of healers is against the documenting of this knowledge. They indicated that they knew everything by heart because it was shown to them in their dreams and they still that picture of their dream in their heads. They mostly identify their herbs through smell, taste, weight and their colour.

The investigation also came across a healer who was using a different and somehow advanced method of documenting their knowledge. The healer had labels on all the herbs and also kept a book with all the names. In addition to that, the healer took pictures of all the trees that she got all the herbs and matched each herb against the tree. The healer was in the process of transferring all the data in to her laptop. The investigator found this very fascinating. This will method will allow the healer to preserve complete knowledge. It will be very beneficial for teaching because trainees can be shown a picture of a tree after being told about the herb and its benefits. This also suggests that over time modern technologies may be used in the Limpopo Province to preserve knowledge.

5.6 The acquisition, transfer and preservation of knowledge of traditional healing

The purpose of this objective was to apply the knowledge conversion theory to the knowledge of traditional healing in order to understand how knowledge of traditional healing can be acquired, transferred and preserved. Nonaka and Takeuchi’s (1995) framework of organizational knowledge conversion discusses the interaction processes of tacit and explicit knowledge which is regarded as an important features in knowledge management research. The framework identifies socialization, internalization, externalization and combination (SECI) as the four modes of interaction between tacit and explicit knowledge.

The review of literature suggests that for one to become a healer, they must have a calling (Sodi et al 2011). This means that, that particular person must have been selected by the ancestors to be trained as a healer. Those who are selected by the ancestors have contact with

173

the spiritual world and can communicate with the ancestors (Sodi et al 2011). This means that becoming a healer is not by choice. There are however those who have come to learn about traditional healing and have knowledge of the herbs but are without a calling. This group of healers has knowledge of herbs and how to treat different illnesses but never underwent training. Truter (2007) is of the view that such a person possesses an extensive knowledge of curative herbs, natural treatments and medicinal mixtures of animal origin but does not receive a calling, however continues to use herbs to treat different illnesses

To those who have a calling, the ancestor’s shows their presence by inflicting on their host serious illnesses, which are best understood by other healers experienced in the art of divination (Bojuwoye 2005, Mokgobi 2014). Bojuwoye (2005) further expounds that in addition to illnesses, the ancestors may show their presence through general body pains, severe headache, or general breakdown in bodily functions; sometimes there are unexplained misfortunes such as sudden loss of job, destruction of properties, or an accident that defies all possible explanations. When confronted with such misfortunes, and illnesses, an experienced healer can be consulted who will in turn consult the bones to see if indeed the person has a calling. Once that is confirmed, the would-be healer will then undergo the training process under the mentorship of the experienced healer.

The other group of traditional medical knowledge carriers, who have no calling, learn about traditional healing without receiving spiritual guidance from the ancestors. Denbow and Thebe (2006) allude to these when they say that culturally those who acquired knowledge of herbs that can be used for traditional healing are called ngaka e tshotswa in Setswana. According to Truter (2007) this type of healers usually spends a few years as an apprentice and do not profess to have divine powers.

The training of those with a calling and those without a calling is slightly different but with a lot of overlaps. They are both trained by an experienced healer who may specialise in training other healers. The healer who specialises in training other healers is referred to as the master in the current study. The training is commonly known to be a fulltime thing and the trainee is expected to stay at the master’s place for the duration of the training. Bojuwoye (2005) confirms this by saying that when the would-be healer accepts their calling and starts with the training, they are required to relocate to the master’s home for the duration of the training. Those who are employed and having day jobs are expected to continue with their training duties after work.

Different from those with a calling, the would-be healers without a calling are commonly known to be a family member or someone chosen by the experienced healer to share the

174

knowledge of traditional healing with. This person has little pressure of learning and at times they might not be aware. The interviews suggest that some healers select one trusted family member who will be shown everything they do and at times given tasks to during the healing process. One of the respondents had a young boy as an apprentice. The investigator was told that the boy will take over from the master when he grows up. The boy has an opportunity to learn everything he needs to know over many years of growing up.

During the acquisition and transfer of this knowledge, various exercises are employed to evaluate the progress of trainees, until such time the master is satisfied that trainees are ready and can be able to practice on their own (Bojuwoye 2005). Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995) argue that “apprentices work with their masters and learn craftsmanship not through language but through observation, imitation and practice. As explained in the preceding section, trainees are required stay with the master on a fulltime basis so that they can shadow the master, observe everything and learn from what the master does. Nonaka (1994) explain this process as socialisation where the knowledgeable person transfers experiences in the form of tacit knowledge to the trainees who will be inexperienced at the time.

During knowledge acquisition and transfer, the master helps the would-be healer with a calling to understand and be able to communicate with the ancestors. This encompasses dream analysis, learning about different medicinal plants and animal extracts to use, interpreting the bones, and different illnesses and how to treat them. Bojuwoye (2005) is of the view that there are trainees who start training before they could master the ability of speaking to the ancestors. Such trainees get assisted by the master by performing appropriate rituals and then to cultivate dreams so that they can recognize their dreams when their spirits guides them.

Sodi et al (2011) also speak of therapeutic dances (also known as manchomane or malopo among Sotho and Tsonga speaking people) which are frequently done during training. During this dances, there is the beating of drums, singing (songs which sometimes carries a message about a particular aspect of healing), clapping of hands. Sodi et al (2011) is of the view that this dance has some resemblance to a hypnotic trance that result in emotional expression and feeling of rejuvenation and hyper-suggestibility.

Determining whether the trainees have acquired the necessary knowledge to become healers an examination is conducted. The examination is designed to test whether the trainees have mastered the ability to summon the spirits to help them in doing things that are beyond this physical world. This examination happens over two days and it is performed openly in front of the community to prove that the trainee is capable. After proving that they are capable of

175

communicating with the spirits, the trainees are taken to the river for cleansing and introduction to the river spirits to seal their bond with the spirits and to graduate as healers. Even though the examination seems to be mainly focused on the capability of the trainees to engage with the spirits, the findings suggest that healers are also tested on how well they know their herbs and other functions like the reading of bones. This mainly happens when they practically treat patients and when they busy collecting herbs. During those times, the master will be asking questions in between to see whether the trainee remembers the functions of each herb. The trainees are also made to bring all their collected herbs before they pack for home and to see if they can identify them by telling the master what each herb is and what its uses are.

Poorna, Mymoon and Hariharan (2014) ague that indigenous knowledge is oral in nature and it faces a greater risk of being misinterpreted and eventually being lost. As a result, the investigator wanted to know how traditional healers ensure that the correct knowledge is preserved. The findings revealed that despite the ancestors being the custodians of this knowledge, healers have a number of ways of ensuring that the knowledge preserved is correct and of high quality.

The study revealed that in order to ensure quality the would-be healers are expected to practically do things on their own, prove that they can stand on their own feet before they graduate. They physically go to the wild and do the grinding, as well as the arrangement of herbs themselves under close supervision from their masters. Senior healers keep mentoring the newly qualified healers even after graduation. They continue working closely with them and giving a helping hand whenever needed. When newly qualified healers are faced with many clients to deal with, the senior healer will mostly go there to lend a helping hand. The findings suggest that in cases where the newly qualified healer has to do something for the first time, he or she will request the presence of the master. The mentoring continues until the new healer is confident to do everything by him or herself and has established a healthy client base.

The knowledge gained through socialization, externalization and combination get internalized into individuals‟ tacit knowledge bases for preservation (Nonaka and Takeuchi 1995). Traditional healers are known to keep their knowledge private and only make it available to those they decide to teach either as trainees or maybe a family member whom they want to share the knowledge with. Those who are trained by the same master are likely to have similar experiences and ways of dealing with illnesses.

Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995) are of the view that documenting knowledge helps individuals internalize their experiences, thus enriching their tacit knowledge. Books, articles, and any

176

other form of documented records, enable the transfer of explicit knowledge to other people, thus helping them experience the experiences of others indirectly. Knowledge of traditional healing is however commonly known to be preserved orally. The respondents however strongly believe that the ancestors are responsible for safeguarding knowledge of traditional healing.

5.7 Summary

This chapter interpreted and discussed the research findings of this study. The discussion was based on the data presented in Chapter Four; literature reviewed in Chapter Two and driven by the knowledge conversion theory also explained in Chapter Two. The reviewed literature was consulted to support or argue against the findings of this study. The findings were interpreted and discussed according to the objectives as presented in Chapter One of this study.

It can be argued that even though there are laws and policies passed by the government in relation to traditional healing, traditional healing in South Africa is still being over looked. This practice is still being left unregulated, unsupported and not fully recognised within the South African health care system. In addition to that, traditional healers are faced with safety challenges such as working at night because of the stigma attached to their job; they are at risk of contracting different illnesses because of being exposed to different illnesses; they are struggling to make ends meet because they provide a service before asking for payment, at times they end up not being paid and they have no mechanisms in place to claim their money. Their profession is being exploited by bogus healers who find it very easy to practice in South Africa.

There was consensus among healers that the ancestors play a significant role during knowledge acquisition. The knowledge gained by healers during training was mainly acquired through observations, imitations, following orders and performing tasks practically. It can be argued that the acquisition and transfer of knowledge mainly depend on the attitude of the intended knowledge recipient. Collaboration was highlighted as one of vehicles for effective transfer of knowledge. Finally, there seems to be a change in how knowledge of traditional healing is being preserved. The older generation of healers still prefers the old oral tradition while the current crop of younger healers are adapting to the changes and others even embracing technology through the use of computers to record and preserve what they were taught.

177

The next chapter provides conclusions, summary and recommendations on the acquisition, transfer and preservation of indigenous knowledge by the traditional healers in the Limpopo Province. The chapter also proposes a framework that will help in the preservation of this knowledge.

178 CHAPTER SIX

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECCOMENDATIONS

“If you talk to a man in a language he understands, that goes to his head but if you talk to him in his language, that goes to his heart”- Nelson Mandela

6.1 Introduction

The preceding chapter provided the interpretation and discussion of data presented in Chapter Four. This chapter provides a summary of the findings, conclusions and recommendations of the study based on the data presented and interpreted in Chapter Four and Chapter Five, as well as the literature review in Chapter Two. Williamson and Bow (2000) supported by Kalusopa (2011:263) suggests that when writing conclusions and recommendations the following factors should be considered:

 conclusions and recommendations should clearly be related to findings;

 the researcher should not over-conclude, which means that unwarranted conclusions and generalisations need to be avoided; and

 all research questions should be answered.

The chapter further proposes a framework that maps the process of knowledge acquisition, transfer and preservation by healers. It is hoped that such a framework will increase understanding to different stakeholders and the community at large how this knowledge is handled so it is not lost to the future generations. The chapter was structured to include the following: a summary of the findings, conclusions according to the objectives of the study, recommendations, proposed framework and suggestions for further research. This is presented according to the objectives of the study.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the acquisition, transfer and preservation of indigenous knowledge by traditional healers in South Africa, in order to understand how this knowledge can be preserved. In order to fulfil the purpose of the study, the following research objectives guided the study:

 Assess the status of indigenous healing in Limpopo Province of South Africa.

 Determine how knowledge is acquired among indigenous healers in Limpopo Province of South Africa.

 Establish how knowledge is transferred among indigenous healers in Limpopo Province of South Africa.

 Assess how knowledge is preserved among indigenous healers in Limpopo Province of South Africa.

179

 Suggest a framework that explains the acquisition, transfer and preservation of knowledge by indigenous healers in South Africa.