Polygyny: A Contested Terrain

The advent of colonialism and subsequent Westernisation brought cultural beliefs and marriage practices that were in sharp contrast with the Shona marriage practices in general and the polygynous marital relationships in particular. In this respect, Bigombe and Khadiagala (2007) argue that the ideals of Westernisation and modernity tend to contradict much of the cultural

66 practices of the Bantu people of Southern Africa, particularly their traditional marriage systems including polygyny. Pertaining to polygyny, the so-called modern ideals have created incompatible perceptions between men and women concerning the once cherished marital practice. In several sections of the pre-colonial societies in Southern Africa, polygyny was not only a marriage choice but also a value system that inspired and shaped family relations. Thus, as a value system it has been in constant tension with and is resilient to the marital ideology of monogamy (Jonas 2012:27; Bigombe & Khadiagala 2007:7). The phenomenon of polygyny is therefore debated in terms of the traditional and modern perceptions of the institution of marriage.

A study by Van der Vliet (1991) in Eastern Cape, South Africa, clearly shows that the marriage institution, particularly polygynous practice, is a contested terrain and the centre of controversy tends to pivot on tradition versus modernity. Van der Vliet (1991:222) argues that men often use the tradition of polygyny to justify their philandering behaviour. Similarly, Zeitzen (2008:148) observes that husbands’ and wives’ conflicting conceptions of what modern marriage should entail, have resulted in continuous tension between women’s monogamous ideology and men’s polygynous ideals. The institution of ‘outside wives’ tend to represent an African cultural renaissance since the practice tends to be mediated by principles rooted in African traditional cultures (Zeitzen 2008:152). Polygyny became unpopular with women as a result of urbanisation and formal education. However, in his study of the Shona culture, Bourdillon (1998:49) observes that for the Shona people, a shortage of land in the rural areas and the expense of keeping extra heads in the town make polygyny an economic burden rather than an asset, though he acknowledges that the influence of Christianity and Western culture have reduced the incidence of polygynous marriages in Zimbabwean society. In concurrence, Hayase and Llaw (1997:302), Zvobgo (1986:44) and Chavhunduka (1979) argue that rooted in the tradition of missionary schools, the formal education of most Southern African countries introduced Western values, including the preference for monogamy. Thus women with formal education were less likely to engage in polygynous marriages because formal education embodied Western ideals which contradict certain African traditional marital practices.

Similarly, a study by Bourdillon (1998:49) on the Shona culture reveals that in upper class circles, especially in urban areas, people look down on a man who takes more than one wife.

The results of Van der Vliet’s (1991) study indicate that Xhosa men in the Eastern Cape, South Africa, are seen to be moulded by their interpretation of traditional patriarchy, which is firmly

67 rooted in the men’s world and perceived as sexually vigorous. She further elaborates that a man who did not live up to this masculine mystique risked being derided as isishumane (a ‘sissy’ or unlucky and unpopular with women) in their male peer group. Consequently, many men compete for acquiring several sexual conquests to prove their masculinity. In this regard, Van der Vliet (1991:222) and Hayase and Llaw (1997:298) found that men often use the tradition of polygyny to justify their engagement with multiple concurrent sexual partners. In analysing these views closely, one may observe that men have vested interests in polygyny and would want everyone to venerate such social constructs as though they are sacred and indispensable, whilst in reality the opposite is the case. The findings of Van der Vliet’s (1991) study clearly show that some men justify their philandering behaviour by evoking the tradition of polygynous marital practice, for example, one of her interviews with one man reveals:

Well, I think it is meant for a man because our fathers used to have three or four wives, it comes from tradition. You have a string of girl friends in the place of the many wives your grandfather used to have (Van der Vliet 1991:231).

This view of marriage suggests a conceptual divide, pitting traditional African marriage against modern Western (Christian) marriage (Falen 2008:53). Similarly, Western feminism and its concomitant abhorrence of double sexual standards tend to influence secretive multiple concurrent sexual relationships by African men who masquerade as ‘modern’ men in monogamous marital unions.

As mentioned earlier, marriage institutions, particularly polygynous marital relationships, are contested terrains. Van der Vliet (1991:234) reveals that just as men use Xhosa traditions to justify their promiscuous behaviour, so too women use their own construction of ‘modern times’ to attempt to coerce their husbands into their own preferred marriage practice; the monogamous marriage institution. Zeitzen (2008:151) concurs and adds that for many married urban women, present ‘outside wives’ and the traditional polygynous institution are more likely to represent regression than modernity. In the same vein, Boltz-Laemel and Chort (2015:2) expand on this, stating that socio-anthropological research and anecdotal evidence confirm that polygyny is an undesirable outcome for women in contemporary society. However, some men tend to criticise modern wives who resent the practice of polygyny whether it is the traditional one or the reinvented one. Paradoxically, the practice of keeping ‘outside wives’, instead of the polygynous wives may represent African men’s attempt to embody Western ideals of a modern

68 man. In this regard, the term ‘clandestine polygyny’ developed and remains common among certain African Christians (Falen 2008:56).

The aspects of traditional marriage systems which women wish to change are labelled backward, uncivilised or unchristian. In modern society, women advocate a monogamous marriage model as the ideal and as a more appropriate marital union in contemporary societies (Zeitzen 2008:156). Similarly, in his study of Shona marriages, Tatira (2010:64) confirms that polygynous marital relationships are vehemently contested as the ‘modern girl’ resents them while the ‘modern boy’ still hopes for one. One can therefore argue that in their bid to avoid being labelled backward, uncivilised or unchristian, men tend to resort to secretive sexual arrangements like the ‘outside wives’ or the small house union, or they may engage mistresses or concubines, justifying it by the legacy of the polygynous history of African societies and cultures. In his study on changing perceptions of marriage in Nigeria, Karanja (1987:253) reveals that some male informants contend that the African man is ‘naturally’ polygynous and that ‘outside wives’ are an innovation for confronting changing circumstances. Although the marriage institution remains a contested terrain, marital relationships remain skewed in favour of men because of the strong patriarchal beliefs rooted in African traditions and cultures.