Population and Sampling

The study on the small house phenomenon was conducted in the Harare metropolitan province.

Although it was difficult in this study to identify a specific research population, the study assumed that all those engaging in small house relationships in Harare constituted the population of the study. Since it was not possible to include every small house case in this province in the study, I adopted a purposive sampling technique to locate participants. In some instances, I used a snowball sampling technique where I requested some of the men in small house relationships to introduce me to their partners or other people in similar relationships.

The use of this sampling technique was necessitated by the delicacy and secretive nature of the small house relationship which made it very difficult to access research participants.

Purposive sampling is a non-probability sampling method in terms of which participants are selected for a specific purpose, usually because of their unique position, experience and knowledge (Baxter & Jack, 2008:9; Cohen et al, 2007:114). Patton (2007:181) adds that the thrust of purposive sampling is to identify information-rich sites. By implication, I selected men and women in small house relationships because of their direct experiences of such relationships. By doing so, I gained access to first-hand information on the background to the development of the relationships, reasons for engaging in such relationships, gender dynamics, the social exchanges involved, the welfare and educational challenges of children growing in the context of small house households and other experiences relevant to such relationships.

Thus, through purposive and snowball sampling I was able to identify 30 research participants (17 men and 13 women) who were directly involved in small house relationships. The sample comprised three ‘couples’ and the rest were individuals in small house relationships who

123 wanted their partners to remain anonymous, thus confirming the secretive nature of such relationships. It is also important to note that eight of the 30 participants refused to be audio-taped so I had to rely on note taking to capture the data. It was also very difficult to convince female small house participants to introduce me to their partners. In fact, there was not one woman in a small house relationship who agreed to introduce me to her partner. Again, such behaviour shows the typical delicacy and secretive nature of small house relationships.

4.3.2.1 Gaining Entry

Although small house relationships are not acknowledged by Shona society, those in such relationships are known. The small house relationship is treated with some degree of secrecy by those parties involved and it is a difficult target population to penetrate in order to carry out a study. As a starting point, I located people who could introduce me to men and women in small house relationships. After explaining the purpose of my study to them and assuring them of privacy and confidentiality, I would then engage them in interviews. After the interviews, I would ask the participants to introduce me to their female partners. In this regard, I succeeded three times with male participants; the rest opted to have their partners remain anonymous. In this way, people accepted me as a researcher and volunteered critical information about issues surrounding the small house phenomenon.

As already alluded to, gaining entry to the research field was a daunting task as several prospective research participants lacked interest and were reluctant to be interviewed. This was not surprising considering the delicacy and the secretive nature of small house relationships.

Some prospective participants suspected that I wanted to publish a book on the small house phenomenon that would reveal their names and their extramarital relationships. As anticipated, five men and eight women in small house relationships declined to participate in the interviews, in spite of the fact that I assured them that they would remain anonymous. Other prospective research participants suspected that I was a reporter with the H-Metro, a very popular newspaper in the Harare metropolitan province which specialises in marital relationship issues, particularly cheating and infidelity.

Some men and women in small house relationships would agree to be interviewed, but the moment I indicated that I was going to record our interview they would refuse. At times, even if I indicated that we could proceed without recording the discussion, some would still refuse.

At one point I was asked to replay the recorded interview by a male participant and, after

124 listening to the discussion we had had, he instructed me to erase the whole discussion. In yet another incident, Gararirimo (a pseudonym), a businessman, agreed to be interviewed but threatened to cause trouble if the conversation appeared in H-Metro. He then demanded my mobile number before we started the interview. Having set the terms and conditions of the interview, he told his story reluctantly and boastfully.

I had to have someone introduce me to a potential participant and I relied on those who volunteered information, to refer me to others – snowball sampling. I continued with this approach until I reached data saturation, at which point no new information was revealed.

4.3.2.2 Characterisation of the Research Sample

Participants in the research study included a cross section of social classes in the Harare metropolis. The majority of participants were self-employed in the informal sector. Participants in the study can be categorised as follows: one teacher, one truck driver, one technician, one businessman, two soldiers, one police officer, one secretary, one accountant and the rest were either self-employed or unemployed. It is important to note that of the 13 women who were interviewed, only two were formally employed; one as a soldier and the other as a secretary with a company in Harare. Most of the women in small house relationships were either selling some wares or were fulltime housewives. Of the 17 men who were interviewed, only seven were formally employed and the rest were self-employed or unemployed.

At the entry point of the small house relationship, most men were financially stable. The majority of the research participants reside in the high-density suburbs of Harare and the dormitory town of Chitungwiza. Only three of the participants resided in the low-density suburbs of Harare. This does not suggest that the small house phenomenon is less prevalent in low-density suburbs, but the accessibility of such participants was even more of a challenge.

The composition of the sample depicts the patriarchal nature of Shona society, where men’s stereotypical role is that of a financial provider while women depend on men for their survival.

The low socioeconomic status of some women may explain why they may end up in potentially exploitative sexual relationships, as is often the case with small house relationships.

In terms of education, nine of the 13 women had attended secondary school but of these, only four were able to complete their secondary education and one had a post-school ordinary level education. The remaining four had dropped out at primary school level. Of the men, 16 out of 17 had attended secondary school while only one had dropped out at primary school level.

125 Three men had post-school level education. Although the educational level of the research participants can be described as moderately good (in this context), the support of children’s education in Shona society tends to take a gender dimension where the girl child is less privileged. This partially explains why some women in small house relationships depend on men for their livelihood.

The ages of the female participants ranged from 26 to 46 years and the majority of them were above 35. Of the 13 women, 10 had children in the small house relationshion and 6 had been previously married. The men’s ages ranged from 32 to 53 and the majority were above 40. Of the 17 men 12 had children in the small house relationship. It was also observed that there were wide age differences between partners in small house relationships. Such age disparities between partners in small house relationships are a manifestation of the stereotypical belief in African societies that male sexual virility can be can be satiated by young women (Zeitzen 2008) and may explain why men seek the attention of another younger woman.