Learning product
Organisation V S R
3.5 ELEMENTS SHAPING ORGANISATIONAL LEARNING
3.5.1 ENVIRONMENTAL ELEMENTS
3.5.1.1 REGULATIVE PILLAR
The regulative pillar is distinguished by its explicit process of rule-‐setting, monitoring and sanctioning practices (Xu and Shenkar, 2002). In this view, regulatory process involves the capacity to establish or set rules, ensure its conformity, and manipulate its sanction (reward or punishment) in an attempt to influence present and future behaviour (Bruton et al., 2010). Sanctioning processes operate either through diffused informal mechanisms or by highly formalised and specialised structures or actors like polices and courts. According to Abbott et al (2001: 401) legalization-‐ the formation of rules-‐ “refers to a particular set of characteristics that institutions may or may not possess”. The value of these characteristics varies along three dimensions: obligation, precision and delegation. Obligation refers to the extent to which states or actors are bound to commit and obey rules, because their behaviour is subject to scrutiny under such laws. Precision means that rules uniquely define the conduct of actors as required or authorized. While, delegation refers to the authority granted to third parties to make rules and also implement rules in resolving disputes. These dimensions are not rigid dichotomy, but independently varying, depending on the degree and weight of gradation. But Scott (2008:60) suggests “regulatory systems are those that exhibit high values on each of these dimensions while normative systems, exhibit lower values on them”.
Researchers like (Bruton el at., 2010; Kshetri, 2010) perceive pressures as resting primarily on the regulative arm. For instance, North (1991: 4) conceptualised environmental forces as “perfectly analogous to the rules of the game in a competitive team sport. That is, they consist of formal written rules as well as typically unwritten codes of conduct that underlie and supplement formal rules… the rules and informal codes are sometimes violated and punishment is enacted. Therefore, an essential part of the functioning of institutions is the costliness of ascertaining violations and the severity of
punishment”. North emphasis on the more formalised control systems reveals that they are likely to concentrate on individual and organisational behaviour in markets or on other competitive situations like politics, where opposing interests are common, and therefore, explicit rules are necessary to preserve order. The primary mechanism of such control involves the use of “coercion” (Aguilera et al., 2004; Dimaggio and Powell, 1983). To Doyle (2012: 57) regulative factors play a major role in the management of an organisation. In his study on the development of occupational programs, it was evident that regulative variables as pressures have direct relationship with how occupational programs are developed. Some of these relationships are direct and some are consequential. The legitimacy concerns of this pillar focuses on managing regulatory and government demands (Kshetri, 2010).
Regulation implores the vision to suppress and constraint, but several types of regulations enable and empower social actors and actions with special benefits like conferring licenses, special powers etc (Mohammed, 2008). In fact, regulatory processes within the private sectors are more likely to depend on positive returns such as profits; and are public actors that make greater use of negative sanctions. However, in argument, can this claim be extended to private investments operating to provide basic services like education? However public sector actors are capable of framing social actors with more restricted powers of acting.
Force, sanctions and expedient reaction are central elements of the regulatory pillar, but are often altered by the presence of rules that justify the use of force (Hoffman, 1999). When coercion is both supported and constrained by rules, actors move into the realm of authority; and power becomes institutionalised (Lee and Pan, 2014). In conceptualising law as a regulatory mechanism, Hult (2003:154) insist that the coercive function of law should not be conflated with its normative and cognitive functions. Rather than operating in an authoritative manner, a lot of laws are usually controversial (ambiguous) that they do not proffer clear prescriptions for conduct. To that end, law is better contrived through sense-‐making and collective interpretation, relying more on its cognitive and normative elements than the coercive for its effects. But to Hirsch (1997: 1712) “the [regulative] pillar’s focus is on unambiguous and uncontested rules and laws…[it] is thus narrower than the field of law and social science, which encompasses more of the dynamics surrounding the creation and retention of laws as well as their
enforcement”. Arguably, forces reinforced by one pillar may be sustained by different pillars as time and situations unveil.
The institutional logic theory provides an instrumental view of regulative pillar. According to this theory, individuals employ rules and laws that tend to advance their interests; and confirm to laws and rules because they seek the attendant rewards. By this view, the regulative pillar revolves around rational choices made by actors. A stable formal or informal system of rules is backed by sanctioning power influencing actor’s interests and choices that constitutes one prevailing view of institutions. Indicators of the development, extent and province of regulatory institutions are found in constitutions, laws, codes, directives, regulations, rules and formal structures of control (Scott, 2014).
3.5.1.1.1 Government Policies, Regulations and Development
Policies are altered in different ways. As long recognised, some policies are new and innovative, while others are purely incremental or refined (Bennett and Howlett, 1992). These policies and regulations have been argued to be important in guiding organisational operations (Rastogi 2010; Shafaeddin 2014) in distinct ways. According to the European Commission (2007) Government policies foster the internationalization and learning activities of universities and shape these activities in beneficial ways. While, Williams (2002) argues taking note of contextual differences that the regulative framework designed for organisations restrains their power on certain issues thought of as important to their operations because they are expected to conform and operate within defined regulations. Learning in these organisations could be part of such issues, especially when restricted or defined by national policies. Altbach and Knight (2007) point that Government policies on organisations varies from the provision of fund and resources, governance, quality assurance to general organisational operations, specifically how it affects a sector or industry. From a different perspective, Bennett and Howlett (1992) and Borras (2011) examined the effects of learning on policies, where they gathered that learning tends to affect policies because Government and its agents need to draw lessons and knowledge about a particular aspect before making policies. Such knowledge is drawn from learning communities and organisations who relate their experiences and learning from where lessons are used to modify or make policies. It can however be argued that national
policies and regulations do not only interfere with the operations and learning in organisation, but policies are also influenced by the learning in organisations in presenting appropriate policies for their operations. Government policies and regulations have been identified as the main regulative institution but have been examined with concepts like organisational change, internationalization (Aguillera et al 2006; Altbach & Knight 2007; Huerta Melchor 2008; Jenkins 2008; Macfarlane et al. 2013; Palthe 2014; Smith & Graetz 2011) and would be relevant to consider it as a regulative element shaping organisational learning.