Study 1

In Study 1 of this thesis, I examined whether positive and negative age primes could influence some of the most crucial issues facing anyone: decisions about life and death and risk-taking. The Will-to-Live questionnaire (see Appendix A) presented scenarios asking participants to think about whether they would select a life-prolonging treatment for a potentially fatal disease. The simulated blackjack computer task presented participants with various risk-taking options at different levels of risk (depending on the sum of cards).

Compared to positive stereotypes about aging, negative stereotypes about aging are more prevalent in everyday life (Kimmel, 1988) and their allusions to both mental and physical debilitation are likely to elicit a more profound response in the target. The effectiveness of positive stereotypes of aging in contexts other than everyday life, such as in performing various tasks in the laboratory has been

observed. For example, in China, where positive views of aging are more prevalent than in the United States, the elderly performed as well as the young on memory tasks (Levy & Langer, 1994). Furthermore, experimental research has shown that subliminally presented positive stereotypes of aging can improve the memory performance of American elderly (Levy, 1996).

Yoon, Hasher, Feinberg, Rahhal, & Winocur (2000) proposed to test the results reported by Levy and Langer (1994) as the latter used a composite variable made of four measured variables (they did not report on the original four measured

variables, only on the supervariable) and also due to findings that Chinese individuals are more sensitive to contextual relationships and tend to process information holistically. Yoon et al. (2000) reasoned that, as there is a cultural bias for holistic processing that remains well-preserved across the lifespan among the Chinese, it is reasonable to expect smaller decrements in performance, compared with the Americans on memory tasks associated with this type of processing. Yoon et al. (2000) also used a composite variable for memory and results were consistent with Levy and Langer (1994); namely, significant effects for age and culture, and main effects were qualified by a significant interaction effect. Yoon et al. (2000) then replicated the analysis for each memory test and found that: a) old Chinese Canadian did perform better than old Anglo speakers on only two (immediate and delayed recall) out of four tests (there were no differences in memory for complex figures and abstract design); and b) the young Chinese Canadians outperformed the old Chinese Canadians (in Levy’s results both old and young Chinese performed equally well). Yoon et al. (2000), however, utilized different memory tests, but the measures on aging stereotypes were taken from Levy and Langer (1994). Consistent with Levy and Langer (1994), Chinese individuals hold more positive views of aging than their Canadian counterparts. However, two measures did not achieve

significance on stereotype effects: activity and internality (in Levy & Langer, 1994 all results achieved significance). This may indicate that there is already a change in the views of aging in this Chinese Canadian group. As mentioned earlier there were two memory tests on which the old Chinese Canadians and old Anglophone

Canadians did not differ in performance: 1) memory for complex figures; and 2) abstract design. Yoon et al. (2000) acknowledge that there is evidence that the figural memory test may become non-discriminating at the upper levels of the scale

for persons 65+ years of age. Also mentioned, that on two tests, the old Chinese Canadians outperformed their old Anglophone Canadians counterparts: immediate and delayed recall. On these tests, the old Chinese approached the performance levels of the young Chinese. The authors reason that where the old Chinese Canadian outperformed the old Anglophone Canadian, the first test significantly resembles ideographic elements used in written Chinese, so a differential advantage may exist for the Chinese Canadians on this test. Yoon et al. (2000) did not

elaborate on the second test where the Chinese Canadian would not have an advantage over their Canadian counterparts.

Yoon et al. (2000) concluded that the differences in memory performance found were due to differential abilities based on a lifetime of exposure to a complex mnemonic system, rather than cultural beliefs. Although Yoon et al. (2000) only partially support Levy and Langer (1994), there may also be two possible

explanations for the partial results. One plausible explanation is that Chinese participants lived in Canada for a few years (M = 2.6-2.7 years) and may have been sufficiently exposed to negative aging stereotypes leading to a shift in their views on aging. Also, Yoon et al. (2000) report that the older Chinese Canadians achieved higher scores on vocabulary measures compared with the Anglo Canadians. The vocabulary scores coupled with the fact that these Chinese participants moved to Canada from Hong Kong, may be indicative of high levels of acculturation (Hong Kong is highly Westernized and this perhaps minimized the expected positive views on aging). Since Yoon et al. (2000) did not have a clear explanation for the

significantly higher results of the Chinese on the second test (delayed recall) where the Chinese Canadians should not have an advantage; these results seem to support rather than contradict Levy and Langer (1994). Having said that, Yoon et al. (2000)

found that the only significant direct paths in the model were between culture and positive views on aging and age and memory. The finding that age is negatively correlated with memory performance is not surprising. We have to consider

biological realities such that in overall terms, as people age, some cognitive abilities usually decline (e.g., processing speed), while others remain intact (e.g.,

vocabulary/verbal abilities). The scientific question is whether variables such as culture and views on aging can, at least partially, mediate the detrimental effects of biological decline. Certainly, findings suggest that this is possible on some, but not all cognitive mechanisms.

In the study described herewith, I wanted to explain, at least to some extent, the effects of culture on aging. That is, how culture influences or possibly attenuates individual decision-making processes as he or she ages. I explored this link by using two different tasks. The hypotheses for Study 1 are outlined below.

2.5.1 Hypotheses

1. A priming effect would emerge in the older group. Those primed with positive aging stereotypes would have higher will-to-live than those primed with negative stereotypes. In addition, stereotypes may attenuate risk-taking decisions.

2. Young participants would be unaffected by primes as these are not salient to them.

3. The powerful effect of stereotypes would not be diminished by older participants’ age, views of aging, perceived health, costs associated with treatment, etc.

4. The ability to make quality decisions regarding risk-taking would not be degraded by age.

CHAPTER 3

MEASURING THE EFFECTS OF AGING STEREOTYPES ON WILL- TO-LIVE AND RISK-TAKING DECISION-MAKING