The Missing Link: Interdependence and Control

Differences in control strategies between Westerners and Asians as reported in previous studies may be mediated by differences in conceptualizations of the self. A key difference between individuals in Western and Asian cultures has been

reported to be an independent self-concept among Westerners and an interdependent self-concept among Asians (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Weisz et al., 1984a).

Numerous cross-cultural studies observed the abovementioned dissimilarities between the two concepts of the self, with Westerners being independent and Asians more interdependent (Greenfield, Trumbull, & Rothstein-Fisch, 2003; Kim et al., 2003; Weisz et al., 1984a). One country that is often studied by researchers as an Asian, interdependent, yet modern country is Japan. Cousins (1989) elucidates

Japan’s uniqueness as a fully modernized and industrialized non-Western nation, while still maintaining an interdependent orientation. Japanese are characterized by the following: (a) the family contributes to one’s identity; (b) individuals’ personal goals are subordinated for the sake of maintaining in-group integrity; (c) harmonious relationships; and (d) a focus on the context of interactions (Cousins, 1989). In short, these cultural orientations differ in that individuals tend to either try to “stand out” or “fit in” (Greenfield et al., 2003).

Markus and Kitayama (1991) state that in many Asian cultures “domains of social life, one’s opinions, abilities, and characteristics are assigned only secondary roles – they must instead be constantly controlled and regulated to come to terms with the primary task of interdependence” (p. 227), suggesting the need for controlling one’s internal processes in order to fit in with the society, that is, by definition, secondary control.

Similarly, Kojima (1984) explains a possible link between self and control through the conceptualization of the self and life-space, and suggests that Americans tend to view themselves as independent of the environment and other people, while Japanese assert that one is always in an interdependent relationship with the

environment and can only be defined in reference to it. This strong link between the self and environment leads to attempts of regulation between them not by exertion of power, but by striving for harmony (Kojima, 1984).

Thus, Asians are said to hold an interdependent concept of the self and may employ more secondary control than Westerners not simply because they are living in a non-Western country, but due to relatively higher levels of interdependence. Study 2 of this thesis attempts to explore the relationship between interdependent self-concept and control preferences.

Another way studies may only be capturing part of the reality of how control operates is that previous studies have failed to consider individual differences, such as the role of interdependence within countries. Although in general Japan tends to be higher in interdependence than the US, studies have ignored how this variable differs within countries and how it may affect control striving.

As described above, individuals from Asian cultures, in general, value

harmonious relationships, group cohesion and subordination of personal goals for the sake of group integrity. However, these cultural systems of belief have markedly changed in past decades. For example, young Japanese work very hard to emulate their American counterparts (Kudoh, 1999) and as a result may adopt a more independent way of thinking—often disobeying tradition. In fact, it is not only a behavioral change that is taking place, but also physical. Japanese today, more than ever before, are seeking procedures to enhance their facial features and “Westernize” their appearance by means of plastic surgery (Schaefer, 2003). Similarly, while most native-born Americans share the core values of autonomy, self-assertion, and pursuit of personal goals, not all Americans are highly independent in their behaviors and beliefs. Increased exposure to foreign cultures through the media, experience of living overseas, and migration may also lead to shifts in self concept in some individuals that do not concur with their respective culture. In sum, within-culture variation may exist in terms of self-concept, and this variation may in turn give rise to differences in control strategies.

In addition to higher interdependence reported in Asian cultures, as discussed earlier, a number of studies have also demonstrated higher interdependence among the elderly (Mishra, 1994; Triandis, 1995). This increase in interdependence might be due to the observed pattern of some individuals becoming more reliant on family

members and other members of their culture as they age (Baltes et al., 1998; Baltes et al., 1999; Lerner & Ashman, 2006). Moreover, as individuals age their goals and interests frequently change (Lerner, 2002). Erikson (1974) has argued that a natural part of the life-cycle in late adulthood is to become more generative (ability to care for others and satisfy future generations’ needs) and family focused. Perhaps one of the reasons for the conflicting patterns of control striving across age groups

suggested in previous research is that these have not adequately considered differences within age groups (Gould, 1999; Heeps, 2000; Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995; Wrosch et al., 2000).

Therefore, it is important to examine whether increased control striving in old age, as reported in some studies (Heeps, 2000; Wrosch et al., 2000), may be due, at least in part, to higher levels of interdependence among these individuals. This leads to the next section discussing the relationship between age and control.