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The Double Oppression of Black Women in Their Eyes Were Watching God

The Double Oppression of Black Women in Their Eyes Were Watching God

The practice of raping black women is widespread wherever white men are present. Nanny is one of those black women who had been traumatized by this devastating disregard for the dignity of the black females in and out of plantation. As mentioned earlier she gave birth to Leafy through being raped by a white man and now tells Janie about what has happened to her mother; in white society black woman must expect rape and sexual harassments by white man; for the white men these women are seen as objects to be sexually enjoyed. Education for black woman results in rape, this is ironical that Nanny wishes to make a teacher out of Leafy but she becomes the object of white male’s gaze and because of shame and the trauma after being raped she goes away from her mother’s house and disappears: “After you was born she took to drinkin’ likker and stayin’ out nights. Couldn’t git her to stay here and nowhere else. Lawd knows where she is right now” (EWG, 30).
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Narratives from Within: Black Women and Schooling in the Canadian Context

Narratives from Within: Black Women and Schooling in the Canadian Context

Within the school settings, gender discrimination can take several forms that are played out in curricula, administrative structure, teaching practices, and teacher-student interaction (Irvine, 1990; Neegan, 2008). Further studies show that the ways in which teachers’ interaction with students is influenced by the students’ race and gender (Lafrance, 1991). Sadker and Sadker (1986) note that male students tend to interact more with teachers and establish their prominence in the classroom by initiating more positive, as well as negative, exchanges with teachers. Whichever the form of exchange, boys succeed in capturing a disproportionate amount of teacher attention regardless of the teacher’s gender (Sadker & Sadker, 1986; Wood, 2011). This can have serious implications for female students in the classroom, and Black females in particular, who are often marginalized in school settings, rendering them invisible. Maxine Wood (2011) writes how little is known about how Black females experiences schooling and even less is known about the specific challenges they face on account of their gender. Moreover, Wood asserts that schools engage in gendering and racializing process that shape the experiences of students and that Black students experience gendered racism. For Black women, this presents them with limited life chances and stereotypical role deemed fit for Black women. Grant (1984) observed those Black girls’ everyday schooling experiences seem more likely to nudge them toward stereotypical roles of Black women than toward other options.
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Examining the activism experiences of Black women graduate students

Examining the activism experiences of Black women graduate students

Ashlee, Zamora, and Karikari (2017) used their critical collaborative autoethnographic writing as a “form of critical activism that challenge[d] and destabilize[d] racist and patriarchal educational practices” (p. 91). These women reported gravitating towards each other for survival in a space that was unwelcoming to people of color and dominated by patriarchal ideologies. After a collective reflection on their experiences in graduate school, the three women of color discovered there were commonalities among how they came into their "wokeness" or their "critical consciousness to intersecting systems of oppression" (Ashlee et al., 2017, p. 90). Ashlee, a self-identified transracial Asian American "womxn" of color expressed how a brutal attack on Twitter, because of her outspokenness, made her feel unsafe on campus. For her, the fact that she had to deal with disparate treatment that her White male peers would never face was additionally troubling. Zamora, a self-identified Latina, reflected on her experiences in the classroom setting during conversations on race. For her, the tears of White women due to their discomfort with their own personal racism were disconcerting, as she had lived with such tensions every day. Karikari, a self-identified African American "womxn" discussed how empowered she felt after finally being exposed to a course where she was in the racial majority, and the curriculum reflected the concerns of people of color. This experience led her to believe that she could be an entirely authentic Black woman in the academy. Karikari's experiences in particular mirrored other research about Black women who have expressed their concerns over the omission of Black women's voices in graduate coursework and literature.
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Voices of Black Women as Directors of Informal STEM Programs

Voices of Black Women as Directors of Informal STEM Programs

their directorship roles and how they approach designing programs that meet the sociocultural needs of the participants. This study provides insight into the struggles and successes of two African American women who serve as directors of programs designed to provide STEM mentoring experiences to middle school Black and Latino/a students through community-based STEM programs. The paper is structured to first share their unique stories regarding how they began the journey into directorship roles and their struggles and successes. This study does not describe the programs’ designs and activities because the purpose of this particular paper is to share the cultural experiences of both directors and how the intersections of their race, class, and gender have interacted in complex ways to shape their identities as Black working class women in positions of power as they empower and prepare the next generation of Black and Latino/a students to pursue STEM careers. Their narratives serve as a form of resistance to women of color historically being silenced, ignored, and isolated. Both researchers have undergone the self- reflection process and co-constructed overall themes from narratives, which are shared in the discussion. Specifically, we ask the following research question: How do Black women as directors of informal STEM programs position themselves to design and implement effective and culturally relevant programs for Black and Latino middle school students?
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Developing the College Student Stress Inventory for Black Women (CSSI-BW)

Developing the College Student Stress Inventory for Black Women (CSSI-BW)

Watts-Jones (1990) conducted a qualitative study in which stressors for Black women were elicited through a series of interviews. Findings revealed several common stressful situations for Black women, which included inadequate resources, relationship conflict/dissatisfaction, loss or disappointment, and personal health–stressors that are not commonly addressed in the most popular stress scales. The AWSS was then developed to include this range of issues for Black women. The identification of these stressors was a huge stepping-stone toward effectively evaluating stress in Black women, but there is a paucity of empirical psychological study that focuses on Black college women. Since there has yet to be a precise instrument for measuring response to stress in academic life for Black women, the College Student Stress Inventory for Black Women (CSSI-BW) is proposed. The CSSI-BW is a group-administered test that should be used in order to comprehensively assess response to stress in Black female college students.
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15The Doubly Colonized and Marginalized Black Women in Toni Morrison’s Home

15The Doubly Colonized and Marginalized Black Women in Toni Morrison’s Home

Cee grew up but when she reached fourteen and started talking about boys, “she was prevented from any real flirtation because of her big brother, Frank. The boys knew she was off limits of him” (Home 47). That is why when Frank and his two best friends enlisted and left the town, “she fell for what Lenore called the first thing she saw wearing belted trousers instead of overalls” (Home 47). Additionally, there were other forms of limitations for her in Lotus as she believed that if she had not been so ignorant living in a “no-count, not-even-a-town place with only chores, church-school, and nothing else to do, she would have been better. Lotus was separate, with no sidewalks, or indoor plumbing, just fifty or so houses and two churches, one of which churchwomen used for teaching, reading and arithmetic” (Home 48). Because of these confinements in Lotus “she ran off with a rat”, his name was Principal but he called himself Prince. He loved himself “so deeply, so completely, it was impossible to doubt his conviction. So if Prince said she was pretty, she believed him. […] And if he said, I want you for myself, it was Lenore who said, ‘Not unless y’all are legal” (Home 48). These events, portrayed by Morrison, unveil the condition of living of black women in the patriarchal society which means subjugation and marginalization by the dominant power as Spivak believes the black or colored women are deprived of their identity and do not have any independent definition of identity in the white society (1986: 89).
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Black Women and HIV / AIDS: Contextualizing their Realities,their Silence, and Proposed Solutions

Black Women and HIV / AIDS: Contextualizing their Realities,their Silence, and Proposed Solutions

Black Women and HIV/AIDS 1$ @ I @ 11 I Iltl BY ESTHER THARAO AND NOTISHA MASSAQUOI I En depit du fait que les communaures noires en general et les ftmmes Noires en particulier representent un element[.]

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Hair It Is: Examining the Experiences of Black Women with Natural Hair

Hair It Is: Examining the Experiences of Black Women with Natural Hair

Beauty is related to the transference of power. “Good” hair is perceived as the hair closest to White people’s hair—long, straight, silky, bouncy, manageable, healthy, and shiny; while “bad” hair is “short, matted, kinky, nappy, coarse, brittle and wooly” [6, p.28]. Consequently, terms such as “good hair” have become a code for White, straight hair, granting more power and social capital. Similarly, “bad hair” is a code for highly textured African hair and signifies less social capital [6]. Erasmus [13] tells of a grandmother’s gesture to her grand- daughter regarding her “Nigger-hair (grandmother laughs) ‘You’ve got real nigger-hair’ ” [13, p.13]. The beauty myth of the good/bad hair dichotomy where straight hair is the “most desirable” and thus “good” were created during the colonial era [19] and the concept continues to be rampant throughout the African Diaspora. Body parts are used to highlight racial inferiority, thus curly, kinky hair is seen as a badge of inferiority [2]. In the United States, Caribbean, Africa and wherever African people reside, African textured curly hair carries a social stigma [7]. For women of color, in particular Afro-Latinos, Latinos, or other people of African descent, light color skin continues to serve as social capital [19,22]. Hair stories are very similar and almost identical wherever African women live [13]. These are painful narratives for likely a majority of Black women who grow up hear- ing statements about their hair being too nappy or their skin being too dark. Hair mediates the effect of skin col- or, so if one has dark skin but looser curls or longer hair these positive attributes act to lessen the “burden” of dark skin [4].
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Cosmetics brand switching among black women in UK

Cosmetics brand switching among black women in UK

XXXV and Lee, 2000; Vázquez, del Rio, and Iglesias, 2002; Keller, 2003;). All argues that the extent to which individuals associates value with a brand they are more willingly to pay a higher price for it. This implies that the value criteria may differ for each consumer. It can also be suggested that black women may be willingly to save and wait when they do not have the money to purchase the cosmetic brand because the value they associate to the brand. This may be highly subjective as some black women may also avoid brands that are very expensive even if they may be able to afford it. Furthermore Consumers seem to associate high price to quality and low price to lower quality, this may also make black women to want to pay a higher price for colour cosmetic brands even when they may not be sure of what the outcome may be. The challenge that black women may face with higher price after purchasing the cosmetic product and it does not work for them, it can be disappointing for them as every black women have different skin colour and the ingredients in some of the cosmetic product may be sensitive to the black women skin and if this ingredients is harmful, they may stop purchasing the brand, not minding the cost of the brand, as black women care about the beauty of their skin.
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Maneuvering on the Margins: Free Black Women and the Law in Antebellum North Carolina.

Maneuvering on the Margins: Free Black Women and the Law in Antebellum North Carolina.

While having a husband who owned his own person and labor was the ideal situation for any wife and mother, the abuses that came from the actions and hands of free men both black and white, were a major reality for all women and some free black women sought relief through legal means. In the midst of the Civil War, Zilpha Dungee of Guilford County had her stallion stolen by a group of men claiming to be bestowed with the authority to take animals that were needed, (presumably for the war effort). A year later she married Thomas Dungee and became stepmother to the eight children he brought to the marriage. With the help of her new husband she sued the men that stole her horse and was awarded two hundred fifty dollars. Shortly thereafter her husband began an affair with another free woman of color and left Zilpha. Zilpha successfully petitioned the court for a divorce, alimony, and the part of the two hundred fifty he took from the earlier suit. 64
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The Reverse Wage Gap among Educated White and Black Women

The Reverse Wage Gap among Educated White and Black Women

Inequality of opportunities between white and black females may help to explain this reverse wage gap. The term “opportunities” is used broadly, as there may be differences in opportunities that arise from family background, education, marriage markets and others. Blacks are likely to have a lower supply for education and therefore in order to make the investment worthwhile, those who choose to attend post-secondary schooling are of higher average ability. Consequently, blacks who attend college may be of higher average ability than whites who attend post-secondary schooling. This unobserved ability is rewarded in the labor market. Less favorable marriage markets for blacks also affect the demand for education among blacks and may affect the occupational choices of black females. Women whose marriage prospects are less favorable will be more likely to invest in human capital. Both a higher demand curve and lower supply curve indicate a higher rate of return to education for black women.
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Dietary quality is not linked across three generations of black women

Dietary quality is not linked across three generations of black women

An advisory committee of Nutrition Advisors (Cooperative Extension Nutrition, Family and Consumer Science Advisors), most of whom were black, guided the study. Based on their extensive professional experience, these advisors determined the kinds of information most useful in design- ing culturally appropriate nutrition education programs for black women. (Permission to conduct this study was obtained from the Committee for the Protection of Human Subjects at UC Berkeley.) The committee chose to focus on food acquisition practices, food prep- aration skills, meal and snack patterns, and health practices and beliefs. A ques- tionnaire was developed and reviewed by the advisory committee for cultural relevance and appropriateness. The re- vised questionnaire was pilot-tested on five women from the target population.
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Social violence against black women: a literature systematic review

Social violence against black women: a literature systematic review

Vasconcelos and Oliveira (2016) highlight the women's lifestyle changing and their role worldwide in this age. So, it is pertinent to give attention to Black Women's needs because they suffer double discrimination. These people are women in a machinist and misogyny society also they are black in a racist society. Authors use Critical and Black Feminist Criminology Theories to analyze the variables of gender, ethnicity, and social exclusion. Werneck (2010) criticizes the way how the data is collected by the National Health System (SUS). For her, data is not precisely because the clients are, in its majority, Brazilian black people. The author discusses the disproportionality of violence cases in the populational groups which allow the racism identification in its origins. It observes the same predominance of the black racial group can be verified in cases of reported sexual violence of black women vulnerability due to their social, economic and emotional situation. White (2002) points out the public policies work to fight with black women violence cases. Since these people are the main denouncer also the primary victims of domestic and outdoor violence. Saffioti (2008) reports that social advances are relevant (like women's suffrage in Switzerland, legalization of abortion in USA and France, divorce right in Brazil).
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Finding a place to be our-selves: Narratives of young black women activists

Finding a place to be our-selves: Narratives of young black women activists

This article explores narrative identity constructions of black women student activists in contemporary South Africa. The apartheid past is evidently alive in the politics of the present and in the embodied experiences of these young women but mutates and is appropriated in new ways. In some senses, these women now occupy the centre rather than the periphery; many living in middle-class suburbs, studying at and occupying leadership positions in increasingly de-racialised spaces. However, their narratives reveal the precarity of these identities in relation to 1) male student activists; 2) fellow students, both black and white; and 3) the wider civil society of the working class and unemployed poor. These stories were collected prior to the decolonising political moment of #FeesMustFall but provide prescient insight into the intersectional positionality of young black women student activists in the Higher Education landscape of South Africa today. 1
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Black Women in Leadership: The Complexity of Intersectionality

Black Women in Leadership: The Complexity of Intersectionality

While white women face gender inequality and have devised ways to overcome these challenges. Racism and sexism combined remains a significant barrier for black women in the workplace (Davidson and Davidson, 1997). Studies that examine gender and race as separate entities do not show how race and gender are “simultaneous and linked” social identities (hooks 1989), that influence black women leaders’ experience and perceptions of their position in the workplace, and the way they are perceived and treated by others. Browne (2000) posits that black women are susceptible to negative gender and racial stereotype in the workplace because of the intersectionality of gender and race. Therefore, their talents are often overshadowed by negative gender racial stereotypes (Brown et al, 2010).
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The Colonial Roots of the Racial Fetishization of Black Women

The Colonial Roots of the Racial Fetishization of Black Women

The narrative of New World imperialism was eroticized by rhetoric that sexualized the imperialist practices of European colonizers. Documentation of the British conquest is riddled with language that suggests the sexual nature of the land and of its discovery. In his travel logs, Columbus suggested that the earth is shaped like a woman’s breast (Mclinktok, 2001). The New World was frequently described as “virgin land” by colonizers, wrongly suggesting an empty and uninhabited territory (Mclinktok, 2001). This patriarchal narrative of imperialization depicts the New World through rhetoric normally ascribed to women, suggesting the land’s passive and submissive nature, awaiting the conquest of men. This romancization was used to validate the conquest of the land itself, precluding the sexualization of the women made victim by these imperialist mindsets. The feminization and sexualization of the European imperialist narrative encouraged the sexual exploitation of black women who were perceived as byproducts of manifest destiny. In modern American, black female bodies continue to experience
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Mass incarceration and public health: the association between black jail incarceration and adverse birth outcomes among black women in Louisiana

Mass incarceration and public health: the association between black jail incarceration and adverse birth outcomes among black women in Louisiana

Lastly, we conducted sensitivity analyses to test the robustness of our findings. Given the growing body of literature highlighting the association between area violence and adverse reproductive health outcomes [21–23], we sought to explore the degree to which high incarceration prevalence simply reflected greater exposure to crime (and its negative health conse- quences) as opposed to representing a broader marker of social inequality and structural determinants of health inequities for black women. Therefore, we fit the same models described above and additionally in- cluded the parish-level index crime prevalence to esti- mate associations with preterm birth (Model C) and low birth weight (Model D). The index crime preva- lence is the count of crimes (criminal homicide, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, motor vehicle theft, larceny-theft, and arson) per 1000 residents, as described in the 2014 Uniform Crime Reporting Sys- tem Report from the Federal Bureau of Investigation [24]. All data analyses were conducted in SAS 9.4. All maps used for this study were created using ArcGIS software by Esri. (ArcGIS® and ArcMap™ are the intel- lectual property of Esri and are used herein under li- cense. Copyright© Esri. All rights reserved).
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Black Women in the Visual Arts: A Comparative Study

Black Women in the Visual Arts: A Comparative Study

Peirre-Noel, Lois Jones (1976) "Black Women in the Visual Arts: A Comparative Study," New Directions : Vol. Available at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections/vol3/iss2/6.[r]

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An Intersectional Analysis of Structural Racism and Police Violence Against Black Women

An Intersectional Analysis of Structural Racism and Police Violence Against Black Women

In August 2015 Charnesia Corley, a 21-year-old, was pulled over in a public parking lot because police officers claimed that her car smelled like marijuana. Corley was put in handcuffs and forced to sit in the back of the police vehicle while her car was searched. When the officers did not find anything in her car, they subjected her to a cavity search, in which they forced her to pull down her pants and allow them to put their hands inside her genitals. Corley stated that the officers used violent threats to get her to agree to the search; she later said that she felt violated, humiliated, and that she was sexually assaulted. Despite the horrific actions these officers took, this case, like other cases involving Black women, did not gain national attention. Amuchie (2016) connects the police violence in this case to the Jezebel type, which enforces the view of Black women as sexually deviant, and therefore, allows for them to be sexually exploited. Likewise, bell hooks wrote:
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The Psychosocial Impact of Prison Culture on Black Women Employees

The Psychosocial Impact of Prison Culture on Black Women Employees

The author examines how black women as gendered and racialised subjects experience mistrust and suspicion, because of their gender and racial minority status within the British Prison Service. It is suggested that a white masculine culture exists because of the dominant group that comprise white men. This may cause the majority group to intentionally/unintentionally exclude black women because feelings of trust and shared understanding are greater when there is more similarity among group members. In addition, organisational pressures may also lead to the exclusion of black women. The author asserts that black women’s work experience is multi-dimensional and complex because their lives are shaped by social categories such as gender and race. She provides an insight into the internal and external world of the participants, taking into account components such as expectations, subjectivity, culture and anxiety to examine the individual’s experience within their work environment, by applying an organisational psychodynamic framework, as well as highlight the dynamics of the British Prison Service.
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