“Bringing the State Back in”

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Aleppo II: Not Bringing the State Back in

Aleppo II: Not Bringing the State Back in

Under the banner “bringing the state back in”, T. Skocpol (1985) launched a renewal interest in state theory, but it cannot work in scientific theorizing. The “state” is merely a legal fiction, employed for institutional and organizational purposes, like taxation, budgeting and the requirement of public responsibility. Actions meaning intended be- havior can only be attributed to human beings, either in solitary or collective activity. It is the set of actions that make the social sciences differ from the natural sciences. And the key to understanding action lies with mind concepts like preferences, beliefs and subjective probability.

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Changes in Comparative Political Economy: Taking Labor Out, Bringing the State Back In, Putting the Firm Front and Center

Changes in Comparative Political Economy: Taking Labor Out, Bringing the State Back In, Putting the Firm Front and Center

If it were only state action that served as justification for the third variety of capitalism, then one might still be tempted to argue that all states intervene, some more, some less, and dismiss the claim that there is a third variety. But bringing the state back in is not just about recognizing the differential role of the state. It is that in SMEs, in which the state has long played an influential role, business interactions and labor relations also differ in character and in logic of coordination, leading to different mechanisms of adjustment from LMEs and CMEs. In the liberal market economy of Britain, adjustment is driven by the financial markets and led by autonomous firms acting unilaterally, with comparatively little input—whether positive or negative—from the state or labor. In the coordinated market economy of Germany, adjustment is led by firms and jointly negotiated cooperatively between business, labor, and the state. In the state-enhanced market economy of France, adjustment is firm-led in those domains where business now exercises autonomy—in business strategy, investment, production, and wage- bargaining—but adjustment is still state-driven in those domains where neither business nor labor can exercise leadership—in labor rules, pension systems, and the like—or where the state sees a need to reshape the general economic environment to promote competitiveness. In either case, the logic of interaction is one of hierarchical authority rather than joint-decision or

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Bringing the State Back Into the Varieties of Capitalism And Discourse Back Into the Explanation of Change. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, no. 07.3,

Bringing the State Back Into the Varieties of Capitalism And Discourse Back Into the Explanation of Change. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, no. 07.3,

Importantly, however, there were limits to Thatcher’s persuasiveness. Whereas her com- municative discourse of “the enterprise culture” resonated with regard to business and labor re- form, her discourse contrasting “the worthy poor” with “the feckless and the idle” was not very persuasive with regard to welfare reform, as evidenced by the fact that Thatcher herself pulled back, fearing electoral sanctions in areas where the public (and in particular her own electorate) was clearly strongly opposed to any cuts (Pierson 1994; Rhodes 2000). In the end, Thatcher man- aged to make the welfare state meaner in non-universalistic areas (e.g., aid to single mothers and youth) but not much leaner overall, in particular with regard to universalistic areas such as health and education, although she did introduce competition even into these areas. Why That- cher’s failure in this welfare? Bo Rothstein’s (1998, 2005) discussion of universal institutions helps us here. Britain’s universalistic programs were much harder to cut because people trusted them and supported them, by contrast with the particularistic programs that benefited only the few. So programs for single mothers could be cut somewhat, but the National Health Service was not. It took Blair to extend the Thatcher revolution to the welfare arena, with a communi- cative discourse that did resonate as it appealed to values of equality and compassion as much as to neo-liberalism by promising to “promote opportunity instead of dependence” through positive actions (i.e., workfare) rather than negative actions focused on limiting benefits and ser- vices, and by providing “not a hammock but a trampoline,” not “a hand out but a hand up” (Schmidt 2000, 2002b).

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Bringing It Home: The Inter American System and State Obligations

Bringing It Home: The Inter American System and State Obligations

For purposes of this essay it is important to understand the motivating factors behind forced sterilization in Peru. In order to provide context for this case a section is dedicated to the exami- nation of Peru’s family planning program in the 1990s, as a means of eugenics-influenced population control. Although population control may seem fairly removed from a discussion about gender and regional and state relationships, it is in fact a crucial component in underscor- ing women’s rights in Peruvian society. The analysis of this case will not only illustrate how the Inter-American system and the member State function, but also show how the State’s failure to address women’s rights can be understood as a conflict between concepts of modernity and pro- gress and deep-seated Latin American traditional and patriarchal customs.

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Bringing the Faithful Back In: The Influence of Catholics and White Evangelicals on Polarization in State Abortion Politics

Bringing the Faithful Back In: The Influence of Catholics and White Evangelicals on Polarization in State Abortion Politics

Despite their differences, the mechanism supporting the political influ- ence of both faith communities is relatively the same—their ability to signal their “pro-life” preferences to state House members. Such signaling is criti- cal because officeholders, despite their close relationship with political inter- ests and elites, are also eager to claim credit from important electoral con- stituencies, as their re-election depends on it. As such, officeholders are likely motivated to satisfy Catholic and white evangelical abortion policy concerns in addition to the other sets of interests, both elite and partisan- based, that they must address (Mayhew 1974; Fenno 1978; McCarthy and Zald 1978).

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Bringing the State Back Into the Varieties of Capitalism And Discourse Back Into the Explanation of Change. CES Working Paper, no. 152, 2007

Bringing the State Back Into the Varieties of Capitalism And Discourse Back Into the Explanation of Change. CES Working Paper, no. 152, 2007

Importantly, however, there were limits to Thatcher’s persuasiveness. Whereas her com- municative discourse of “the enterprise culture” resonated with regard to business and labor re- form, her discourse contrasting “the worthy poor” with “the feckless and the idle” was not very persuasive with regard to welfare reform, as evidenced by the fact that Thatcher herself pulled back, fearing electoral sanctions in areas where the public (and in particular her own electorate) was clearly strongly opposed to any cuts (Pierson 1994; Rhodes 2000). In the end, Thatcher man- aged to make the welfare state meaner in non-universalistic areas (e.g., aid to single mothers and youth) but not much leaner overall, in particular with regard to universalistic areas such as health and education, although she did introduce competition even into these areas. Why That- cher’s failure in this welfare? Bo Rothstein’s (1998, 2005) discussion of universal institutions helps us here. Britain’s universalistic programs were much harder to cut because people trusted them and supported them, by contrast with the particularistic programs that benefited only the few. So programs for single mothers could be cut somewhat, but the National Health Service was not. It took Blair to extend the Thatcher revolution to the welfare arena, with a communi- cative discourse that did resonate as it appealed to values of equality and compassion as much as to neo-liberalism by promising to “promote opportunity instead of dependence” through positive actions (i.e., workfare) rather than negative actions focused on limiting benefits and ser- vices, and by providing “not a hammock but a trampoline,” not “a hand out but a hand up” (Schmidt 2000, 2002b).

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Bringing politics back in: examining the link between globalization and democratization

Bringing politics back in: examining the link between globalization and democratization

Finally, the nation state still plays a large role in influencing politics within its territorial boundaries. This influence includes the way in which nation states shape national civil society. Most obviously, civil society, as a private sphere of association, is secured (or not) by state law. Without state legislation and institutions that guarantee citizen rights to participation in the public sphere, civil society cannot operate freely (Zubaida 1992). As a result, a growing body of literature argues that liberal assumptions about the democratizing effects of civil society are erroneous because they have failed to take into consideration the state’s ability to limit civil society activities (Kleinberg & Clark 2000). In practice, the boundaries between the state and civil society have long been blurred and the two ‘spheres’ are much more interrelated than are currently depicted. For example, civil society actors, such as trade unions and business organizations, have long been involved in state policy-making in many countries through corporatist arrangements (Schmitter 1979). These arrangements have had an important effect on how civil society has developed.

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Object Counts! Bringing Explicit Detections Back into Image Captioning

Object Counts! Bringing Explicit Detections Back into Image Captioning

Yin and Ordonez (2017) propose conditioning an end-to-end IC model on information derived from explicit detections. They implicitly encode the category label, position and size of object in- stances as an ‘object-layout’ LSTM and condition the language model on the final hidden state of this LSTM, and produce reasonably good image captions based only on those cues, without the di- rect use of images. Our work is different in that we feed information from explicit object detec- tions directly to the language model in contrast to an object-layout LSTM which abstracts away such information, thereby retaining the interpretability of the input image representation. This gives us more control over the image representation which is simply encoded as a bag of categorical variables. There is also recent work applying attention- based models (Xu et al., 2015) on explicit ob- ject proposals (Anderson et al., 2018; Li et al., 2017), which may capture object-level informa- tion from the attention mechanism. However, attention-based models require object information in the form of vectors, whereas our models use in- formation of objects as categorical variables which allow for easy manipulation but are not compati- ble with the standard attention-based models. The model that we use, under similar conditions (i.e. under similar parametric settings), is comparable to the state-of-the-art models.

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Acculturation and Its Discontents: A Case for Bringing Anthropology Back into the Conversation

Acculturation and Its Discontents: A Case for Bringing Anthropology Back into the Conversation

“Scales, surveys or predictions cannot capture the dynamism of the constituents of meaning.” [31:464] The outlines of a revitalized anthropological approach to acculturation should be fairly clear by this point in the paper. First, the understanding of acculturation should be multidimensional in examining the complex ways that individuals and groups encounter new cultural contexts and respond to the pressures to adopting new languages and other cultural features. Research should also be attuned to the emergence of syncretic cultural practices. Second, studies should focus on how acculturation unfolds over time, as this process clearly does not follow a unidirectional path, but proceeds along circuitous routes. Furthermore, different dimensions of cultural practice may move in different time frames and may reactivate under special circumstances. Third, research should be attuned to the power dynamics of acculturative processes. Great emphasis should be placed on capturing the roles of stigmatization and discrimination in shaping acculturation processes, as well as of state and local institutions in pressuring or aiding individuals and groups to change. At the same time, attention should be paid to the agency of individuals and groups to resist and push back on these pressures. Responses may include intensifying some cultural practices and developing new institutional forms to resist these pressures.

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Indigenous education and literacy policy in Australia: bringing learning back to the debate

Indigenous education and literacy policy in Australia: bringing learning back to the debate

The development of testing regimes to measure educational outcomes (and subsequently rank site of production according to a normative set of criterion) have been critical in enabling education systems and government to exert increased control over the class room. On the one hand the proliferation of ‘audit culture’ (Strathern, 2000) allows close scrutiny of where dollars are spent in education, while on the other hand complex processes of knowledge transfer and production are ‘rendered technical’ (Ferguson, 1994; Li, 2007) so as to become visible and malleable for state apparatus such as an education bureaucracy. As Luke (2009) points out, “whatever their intentions, centrally scripted, mandated policies that attempt to close the equity gap through a strong emphasis on central, test-driven

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Bringing democracy back home: Community localism and the domestication of political space

Bringing democracy back home: Community localism and the domestication of political space

13 neighbourly care on the spatial constructions of governance (Staeheli 2002); it suggests that public space can be enacted as domestic and familiar, and that power and decision-making can be brought within reach. In doing so, it locates political space within familiar patterns of social interaction and gives license to a symbolic substitution of regulatory norms to enact questions of power and governance on a domestic scale. These domesticating practices of community localism accompany, as ambiguous companions, the territorialisation of state power that localism engenders, and they are confined within the regulatory parameters of devolved authority. In the analysis of fieldwork that follows, they can be identified as discursive devices through which the boundaries of political space are talked into new alignments. They indicate breaches in socio-spatial positioning through which resident-led organisations attempt to construct the local scale as both democratic and empowering within the strategy of community localism as defined and bounded by the state.

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“Democra-city”: bringing the city back into democratic theory for the 21st century?

“Democra-city”: bringing the city back into democratic theory for the 21st century?

From this point of view, the local dimension is particu- larly important to stimulate the participation and direct commitment of citizens. One of the main assumptions of the participatory model is, in fact, that the vote expressed by the citizen in the place where he spends his everyday life is better than the vote expressed at a national level (Held and Pollit 1986). Participatory practice at a local level is seen as a “school” that teaches the citizen to assess the work of the representatives at a national level. The institutional system that begins to take shape therefore is “open” and strengthens, in terms of democratic choice, on the one hand, the local autonomies and power with respect to the centre and, on the other, the citizens with respect to the State. For the followers of the participatory model, in this way real improvement in the conditions of many social groups is also possible, through the redistri- bution of material resources and the reduction to a mini- mum (or if possible complete elimination) of bureaucratic power, not democratically responsible, both in public and private life. Hence the participatory model challenges the justifications, characteristics and conditions of the repre- sentative model, introducing the principle of participative strength (and need) of local boards and citizens.

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“Bringing Back the Essential Meaning of the Theatre”: Harold Pinter and the Belarus Free Theatre

“Bringing Back the Essential Meaning of the Theatre”: Harold Pinter and the Belarus Free Theatre

down out of sight, reaching for others, but finding nobody there.” Rebecca, the “drowning” female protagonist, is refracted into three actresses speaking in turn but also as a chorus. The dialogue still resonates with the echo of “the male desire to excavate and possess a woman’s past” (Billington 2007, 375), as heard before in Old Times, but this time the domineering attitude of the domestic, personal sphere evokes the political cruelty and arrogance of absolute State power. Being questioned by Devlin, Rebecca provides an image of a past (assumed?) sadistic lover. As the latter abused her, we discover he was also responsible for brutal acts of violence committed on his workers. His role closely resembles that of a Nazi official. Envious of the lover’s authority over Rebecca, Devlin tries to identify with him. Through the appropriation of her past, from which he had been excluded, he wants to control Rebecca’s body and mind. Nevertheless, as we have seen before, authority breeds insecurity, and so he fails to move her emotionally and loses the possibility to maintain his grip on her.

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Towards Asian regional functional futures : bringing Mitrany back in?

Towards Asian regional functional futures : bringing Mitrany back in?

In the early years of the 21 st century, Asian regionalism is at a cross-road. While the region is home to a broad array of multilateral organisations, the record of these bodies in fostering effective and legitimate cooperation has been decidedly weak. Drawing on insights from the work of David Mitrany on international cooperation, this paper contends that the key problem facing Asian regionalism is a predilection for ‘top-down’ rather than ‘bottom-up’ regionalism strategies. This top-down strategy has involved efforts to find a single institutional design for regional cooperation (similar to the experience of Europe), which has been hindered by geopolitical rivalries and a lack of shared consensus around what constitutes the ‘Asian region’. By considering the contours of inter-state competition in Asia, the track record of its existing regionalism efforts, and insights from comparative regional studies, it is instead argued that Asia’s future is one of regions rather than a single region. As Mitrany suggests, the unique geopolitical context in Asia means that functionally-discrete and variegated strategies are likely to provide a more effective basis for regional cooperation. Indeed, trends towards such a functional approach to regionalism are already becoming evident in Asia today.

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Bringing Work Back In Islamic Ethic

Bringing Work Back In Islamic Ethic

Islam, indeed, is a religion conformable to human nature (Dien al Fitrah). Al Qur’aˆn reveals that, ‘‘So set thy pur- pose (O Mohammad) for religion as a man by nature upright – the nature (framed) of Alla¯h, in which He hath created man.’’ 26 Islam has given importance to every human wants like all the practices of Islam. So it is a virtue and piety to provide every able bodied human being with employment which is needed for honourable existence of human being. In serving this purpose Islam neither accepts the sole ownership of property by the State as in Socialism nor allows sole private ownership of property, rather Islam advocates a middle course between the two by amalgam- ating the above two system. Islam does not allow the accumulation of property in the hands of a few of the society or in a particular region rather it prefers circulation of property among the entire members of the society and region. Al Qur’an gives stern warning that, ‘‘O ye who believe! Verily! Many of the (Jewish) rabbis and the (Christian) monks devour the wealth of mankind wantonly and debar (men) from the way of Alla¯h. They who hoard up gold and silver and spend it not in the way of Alla¯h, unto them give tidings (O Mohammad) of a painful doom, on the day when it will (all) be heated in the fire of hell, and their foreheads and their flaks and backs will be branded therewith (and it will be said unto them): Here is that which ye hoarded for yourselves. Now taste of what ye used to hoard.’’ 27 The above mentioned Al Qur’anic verse may be interpreted as giving encouragement to the wealthy ones to invest for job creation in the way of Alla¯h for the common good of the needy for a better life so that the wealthy ones may be saved from a painful doom in the Hereafter.

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Bringing back new worlds: A Poetics of Exploratory Space

Bringing back new worlds: A Poetics of Exploratory Space

49 In employing the term Lifeworld, Van Manen is referencing Husserl’s notion of “the original, pre-reflective, pre-theoretical attitude. In bringing to reflective awareness the nature of the events experienced in our natural attitude, we are able to transform or remake ourselves in the true sense of Bildung (education)”. Van Mannen, M. Researching Lived Experience: Human Science for an Action Sensitive Pedagogy, State University of New York Press, New York 1990, 7. In Husserl’s own words: “Naturally, from the very start in the Kanitan manner of posing questions, the everyday surrounding world of life is presupposed as existing…In this world we are objects among objects, in the sense of the life-world, namely, as being here and there, in the plain certainty of experience…On the other hand, we are subjects for this world, namely, as the ego-subjects experiencing it, contemplating it, valuing it, relating to it purposefully…” Husserl, E., ‘Kant’s unexpressed “presupposition”: the surrounding world of life, taken for granted as valid.’ in eds. Morran, D., and Mooney, T,. The Phenomenology Reader, Routledge, London and New York, 2002, 152. Thus: “The term “lifeworld” denotes the way the members of one or more social groups (cultures, linguistic communities) use to structure the world into objects,” Beyer, C., ’Edmund Husserl,’ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/husserl/ (accessed: 13.06.19).

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Bringing Citizens Back In: Renewing Public Service Regulation

Bringing Citizens Back In: Renewing Public Service Regulation

officially acknowledges that deeper liberalization and deregulation have been partially blocked or restricted across at least twenty four key sectors of the economy, including the public service networks: electricity, gas, telecommunications and transportation (water is omitted from the study). These authors recognise that one of the problems is that the deregulation of these networks turned out to be far more complicated than first thought. For instance, from the user perspective, consumers have complained about the complexity of household utility bills, whilst there has been concern about low levels of switching. Attempts are ongoing to use regulation to improve these concerns: for instance, firms providing these public services are being instructed to provide clearer information to users on what their bills actually mean. Perceptions of consumer vulnerability in the new context of competition has been exacerbated when some enterprises which provide fundamental household public services announced historic profits in 2009 whilst consumer bills did not fall proportionately, as in the recent case of British Gas ( ! 23 February 2010). Indeed, Ilzkovitz, Dietx and Sousa (2008) state that traditional supply side regulation will need to be accompanied by demand side regulation in order to address some of these concerns.

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The Eastern Partnership’s contribution to security in Europe: bringing the political back in?

The Eastern Partnership’s contribution to security in Europe: bringing the political back in?

In order to illustrate this point, we can refer to the political moment in European Security, opened by the fall of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. The established bureaucracies and norms had to be revised and adjusted to a new reality. NATO’s central security role was contested, as was the understanding that security was largely a military, state-based affair. European integration, challenging the central role of the state in international affairs, and the movement towards broader understandings of security facilitated by policy makers and academics alike meant that new forms of social capital were now being promoted and recognised as valid and, in that process, new actors were allowed into the field of security, looking to establish new rules and hierarchies of power. Political leadership expressed by men and women like Gorbatchev (underlining cooperative security through the idea of a common European House), Gro Harlem Brundtland (striving for notions like sustainable development to be incorporated in global security governance efforts) or academics like Bary Buzan who strove for broader concepts of security. All of these actors used the opportunities provided by the new context to challenge existing views on security, to imprint new direction of action, and develop new structures to the field of global and European security.

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Germany's Stephen Lawrence

Germany's Stephen Lawrence

One of Oury Jalloh’s best friends is a man named Mouctar Bah. Bah, who leads the Initiative in Remembrance of Oury Jalloh e.V., played a critical role back in 2007 in bringing Jalloh’s parents from Sierra Leone to join onto the state lawsuit against the police, informing the German community about the murky circumstances of Jalloh’s death, and supporting the 2008 appeal of the acquittal verdict in the first trial. His energy and social advocacy over the last years has earned him a Carl-von-Ossietzky human rights medal from the

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Bringing Back the Term “Intersex”

Bringing Back the Term “Intersex”

The Texas Children’s Hospital Gender Medicine Clinic is a multidisciplinary, tertiary referral center for children with DSDs. All of its members actively participated in writing and editing this manuscript. The Texas Children’s Gender Medicine team members are, in alphabetical order, Oluyemisi Adeyemi-Fowode, MD (pediatric gynecology); James R. Banfield, JD, BS (legal department); Jennifer Bercaw- Pratt, MD (pediatric gynecology); Rebecca Butler, LMSW (social work); Jennifer E. Dietrich, MD (pediatric gynecology); Sheila K. Gunn, MD (pediatric endocrinology); David G. Mann, MD (ethics); Duong D. Tu, MD (pediatric urology); Vernon R. Sutton, MD (genetics); Jeffrey T. White, MD (pediatric urology); and Shae H. Wilson, JD, BS (legal department). We thank Dr Kimon Angelides for bringing to our attention the legal implications of the intersex sex assignment as an opportunity for better care of our patients. We also thank Dr Fernando Stein for encouraging us to challenge binary sex assignment norms. We are also grateful for the support to the Gender Medicine team provided by Dr Kushner.

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