There is a long history to the notion of providing public spaces in cities, often linked to the notion of the agora, symbolising democratic processes (Sennet, 1999). Furthermore, public spaces have commonly been a means of the local state (often supported by a local mercantile group seeking cultural and political legiti- macy) articulating the ‘civilising’ values of culture. Commonly such sites have been developed as part of a grand civic vision associated with libraries, galleries and museums, as well as the signiﬁers of democracy such as town halls, and public open spaces. In the UK the mid/late-18th century gave us examples in Leeds, Birmingham and Manchester to mention a few.
Americans lived in counties close to the border; Kent and Wentworth contained over 2,000 each, Simcoe, on the other hand, had only 921 compared to York's nearly 7,000.3 is apparent that the number of Americans in Essex County was not unusual. Also, by 1900, the traditional drain to the United States had been plugged as settlers moved to the Canadian west.6 At the outset of the period there were important Roman Catholic minorities, mainly French and Irish, but as the time passed, the province was increaingly dominated by Protestant Anglo-Saxons.^ The Indian population by 1901 in the whole of the Western District was down to ten, and con sequently must be considered as inconsequential during this period of the cities' development.®
One possible reason for the coincidence of form-creation and portal activity is that the portal city and the sea region are navigators’ domains. This is meant not just in the obvious sense that these places are mariners’ domains, but also in the more complex sense that these are by their nature places for the organization of long-distance traffic and logistics, mercantile and cultural interaction. Such things of course can and are organized by bureaucratic hierarchies and network organizations. Yet, the effectiveness of these stands in an inverse relation to the distance over which they operate. The further away we move, the less compelling is the power of contractual or peer networks. Under these conditions, the “silent” trade of interaction without connection becomes more important. 24 Portals provide sophisticated versions of this because they are “cities of turnover”. The churn of these cities is conducive to interactions without connectivity. These are interactions that are supported not by hierarchic connections or networked associations but by abstraction. Portals of course have hierarchies and networks in abundance, but they have something additional—plastic milieus through which is it easy for itinerants and strangers to move, and which are crucibles for the emergence of material, technological, and inter-cultural forms.
middle of their city and, simply by virtue of their presence, they have an impact on urban and regional developments as well as the local civic culture (Goddard and Vallance 2013). However, many universities do not see themselves as key players in improving the quality of life in their city. On the contrary, the traditional university still tends to view its campus as being a space that is, somehow, detached from the surrounding area – a separate reflective place devoted to learning, research and study. Increasingly, and we will return to this theme shortly, universities are recognising that this attempt to cut academic life off from society not only creates town-gown tensions, but also misses significant opportunities for student learning, practice-oriented research and innovation in theory building. The disconnected campus is an outdated view of the role of the modern university.
According to Antoni Vives, Barcelona's Deputy Mayor for Urban Habitat, the main rationale behind his city's embracement of IoT is to improve the quality of life of people. Thanks to IoT, the city was able to make big sav- ings in areas such as smart water (savings of €42.5 mil- lion [US $58 million] a year) and lighting and parking management (increased revenues of parking fees by 33% or €36.5 million [US $50 million]), besides creating 47,000 new jobs related to the smart city developments in Barcelona . In a video interview posted online in November 2013, Antoni Vives proceeds to describe his ul- timate vision of a smarter Barcelona in ten years' time as "a city of culture, creativity, knowledge but mainly fairness and well-being; a place where people live near where they work; a city self-sufficient in energy; a zero emission city and a city hyperconnected to the world" .
outlining how the new festival would fulil this aim, a particular example has been invoked as a negative benchmark. he example consistently mentioned is the Stockholm Water Festival, which was organized between 1991 and 1999, and which from a successful beginning mutated into something which was considered undesirable and subsequently terminated. he Culture Festival was founded in the vacuum that was left by the Water Festival with the explicit aim not to replicate the mistake, so when decisions are made about the Culture Festival it seems the Water Festival serves as a negative identiication. he latter became too commercial and rowdy, while the new and improved Stockholm Culture Festival was to be more cultural, ‘a national and international festival of a high standard, with no beer tents’ (Boldemann, 2005). Food, drink and trinket sales were explicitly banned from the agenda at the outset, to avoid the overt commercialization and subsequent devaluation of the festival. he last years, however, have seen a change to the non-commercial proile, with catering services and a market being introduced in 2008. To maintain a high quality proile only small-scale design and handicraft items are allowed, and the market is framed as ‘an additional way to display diferent forms of culture’ (Ingelman-Sundberg, 2009). he spectre of the Water Festival was invoked anew in the press at the introduction of such commercial elements, but any suggested morphing between the two was steadfastly rebuked by the festival director (Laquist, 2009). Although the Culture Festival might be displaying similar traits as the Water Festival, it is not comparable with the latter. Instead, the proclaimed identiication is with the Edinburgh International Festival, which is seen to carry a high proile reputation. However, set in the context of the experience economy and the global competition among cities, the Stockholm Culture Festival itself may be seen as a sign of the commoditization of experiences in line with some of the reasons put forward for its founding (image, visitors, an international proile). he delicate navigation between the Scylla of elitism and the Charybdis of commerce that the organizers perform is an indication of the perceived tension between genuine cultural activities and commoditized carnival. In the experience economy, however, with its massproduction of authenticity and uniqueness, such boundaries become blurred.
Approaches to creative city have their implications for local governance. In general, there are only few controversies around creative cities, as creativity, culture and the arts have a generally positive meaning throughout the community. Yet, in reality a large part of creative city-inspired development in large cities has led to megaprojects, such as the renewal of harbour areas and transformations of factories and warehouses into cultural centres. Many such projects, such as Canary Wharf in London’s Docklands, have been built to attract high-value adding business service companies, which occasionally leads to an urban landscape which is not particularly lively and may be closed, difficult to access or functionally poor at least from the point of view of local residents. (On large-scale waterfront development cases see e.g. Ward, 2006; Knieling, 2004; Ponzini and Rossi, 2010). The question is whether such areas are rebuilt mainly for visitors or professionals, or whether those areas are made accessible and attractive to local people as well (cf. Schwab, 2004). In Finland this tension has sometimes translated into a battle over the demolition vs. preservation of old industrial building complexes (see e.g. Laine and Peltonen, 2003). In some cases Finnish cities with an industrial past have adopted creative city-inspired urban development by converting old factories into business complexes or cultural centres, however, as in the Finlayson area in Tampere or Cable Factory in Helsinki.
universe, while Arab references mentioned that the history of establishment of Sana'a goes back to the period after the so-called Tawafan (Cataract), They also mentioned that Sam Bin Noah was the first one who established it and built the palace of Ghamdan, and it called the city of Sam referring to the name of its founder. Therefore, man could say that Sana'a is considered as one of the ancient and oldest of the Arab cities that refer to Sabba'i and Humanities ages. The city of Sana'a was spontaneously established like other old cities on caravan roads that crossing from south to the north and not like the modern cities that planned and implemented in accordance with modern scientific means The historians of old cities believed that the city of Sana'a may started in a form of a house and then developed into a village and expanded throughout the phases of historical development of Yemen. The palace of Ghamdan represents one of the prominent stages of development of the city of Sana'a. It considered as the first kernel of the city, and it constituted another urban settlement that allows the establishment of more buildings .
City centres have struggled against on one hand the bland repetition of the same chain stores, and on the other hand, the infill of charity shops and banks. One growth area has been a general increase in restaurants and eating establishments in cities. Food culture, especially a diverse range of ethnically themed restaurants, in addition street food and farmers’ markets has been a major transformation of city life. Additionally the growth of specialist cultural quarters: these are physical clusters of boutique craft and specialist retail activities, with some small-scale cultural production on site located in ‘heritage’ areas of inner cities 34 . It is important to distinguish these from ‘creative clusters’ or cultural production quarters (see above). These are usually focused on the provision of incubator units for creative micro-enterprises 35 . A variant are the artist studio complexes that have emerged in London managed by Space, and in many cities elsewhere in England and Scotland operated by agencies such as Acme. The resurgence of artists’ studios and workplaces has become a significant entrant into many inner cities, their presence is often picked up as the first signs of gentrification and turnaround a process which invariably leads to the expulsion of the artists due to rising rents (Pratt 2009). Another effect of the transformation of the Creative Industries has been that associated with broadcasting, especially the BBC. Digitisation has given rise to re-organisation of broadcasting around functions (news, sport, drama) rather than technologies (radio, TV). The BBC has relocated a substantial part of its organisation in Salford, and Bristol, as well as other national hubs such as Glasgow and Cardiff. The whole nature of
When, as architects, we reflect on the relationship between architectural projects, cities and landscape, we must keep the urban degradation of the world we live in uppermost in our thoughts. Nowadays we live in a state of crisis, and this fact casts doubt on a series of values closely tied to professional and teaching activities. Understood as a tool for the building of top quality public spaces and ever better places and landscapes to live in, architecture is obscured by an increasingly common desire to impress. However, we must hold fast and seek to start afresh from the meaning of an architectural project, analysing case by case, each and every time, enquiring into the needs and potential a specific place expresses in nuce and revisiting all the specific features of the local area, culture and history. To respond adequately in the right tone, what is needed is silence, calm, care and the chance to rethink things and return to places, to assess even the smallest, often latent signs which are there, hidden in the landscape. A landscape which is not simply what we see but also a combination of our points of view on what is around us, a sign of our perspective on things and our idea of how we would like them to be. There is a fifth dimension of the space in which we live: the culture of cities, the culture of the landscape. And from this fifth dimension we must start again, regaining the culture and history of sites and cities. Keywords: Architectural design, Landscape, Resilience, Fifth dimension, Culture of cities
Through the lens of music and Music Geographies, cities are places with both specific landscapes and soundscapes that are directly perceived by people, fans or music consumers or intermediately perceived and consumed through visual channels as television, visual recordings and, more recently, through internet channels of which YouTube remains the most important one in participatory culture (Chau, 2010). In terms of musical perception of the urban spaces, beyond the visual perspectives, cities and their related urban identities remain important places waiting to be decoded through the music messages transposed in songs and through lyrics analysis of those songs. The strength and the deep meanings of these messages are often amplified by the music genre performed, as well as by the performers themselves, mostly when a piece of music is performed by a cherished music artist by a large audience. Therefore, decoding cities through music, based on listening research (i.e. research based on listening to music) connected to the sense of hearing (Smith, 1997; Gallagher & Prior, 2014; Gallagher et al., 2017), remains one of the key issues in our understanding on both city landscapes and soundscapes. Since music is defined as a cultural dominant feature of our society, cities are significant places for music heritage and for music tourism (Gibson & Connell, 2005). All above-mentioned approaches unveil urban identity, regardless of city size, cultural and economic background, its specific urban history and heritage, arguing the close relation between music, cities, place and identity and the local, regional, national, international and global cultures. Considering American thought in Cultural Geography, with Geography of Music being an emerging part of the field (see Kong, 1995; Kearney, 2010), cities could be approached as cultural hearths from which the music is distributed and diffused in the present all around the Globe, in the developed and developing world. On the contrary, cities are places with a huge power of attraction for music consumers in terms of fans, tourists and all those people that share tastes in music consumption. In such a context, both music (as a specific style or genre or as a particular product or value) and legendary musicians play together a decisive role. In these cases, the big cities remain a priority leading to the idea that world cities always found a particular position in music and in Music Geographies alike. Counter wise, secondary cities remain one step behind, but frame two major types of cities in Music Geography, as Long (2014) points out: the ‘world cities’ and the ‘provincial cities’. This argues that music, as a cultural trait of our society, habits in all urban areas to a different extent, defining their common or specific urban identities.
Such an approach suggests the need for a decisive shift away from an ‘easy/early wins’ culture to one that places more emphasis upon medium and longer term outcomes. As evidenced by Patrick Le Gales, a shared national understanding of, and lasting commitment to the key role of regional cities has been instrumental to the long-term success of French cities. Developing national strategies for English regional cities that are similarly capable of transcending changes in personnel and political administrations is a challenging agenda but one that must be addressed if we are to generate and sustain the confidence people need to invest in cities at every level.
Historically, the idea of cultural economics was present even in medieval towns of 12 th centuries (Scott 2000). The prevalence of a variety of traditions on the function of the seat of a territorial unit (shire), or the right to hold a fair, is the proof that cultural economics existed as early as the middle ages (Materasso 2001). T he word “culture” has many different definitions and that’s why the notion of cultural economy is also extremely difficult to define. Cultural economics is the study of how culture interacts with economic events and conditions and how it plays its role in the economic growth and development of an area (Ramsden 2000). From the 1960s onward, economists in the world began to use their own techniques for analyzing topics related to cultural economics. The first classical product of the economic investigations of culture was the book written by Baumol and Bowen, which was published in 1966 (Baumol 1966). It was after this book that in the USA the market oriented view of culture gained strong support. The same idea has become popular in various countries of the Europe. Now, in many countries around the globe, culture is considered to be a type of industry from economics point of view.
The ability to cope with the consequences of growth and success often means overcoming a third challenge - governance deficits. It is part of the day job for city leaders to be mired in vertical and horizontal government relationships that are shaped more by historical accident than rational design. What we find are numerous local governments, authorities, agencies and interests that were not originally set up or empowered to think about large cities as single collective units. Siloed mentalities die hard. With some prominent exceptions like Singapore, Hong Kong and the German city-states, the vast majority of cities have limited governing powers and have to plot feasible pathways to reform.
One of the downsides of performance management and target-setting is that priorities can get skewed, with a focus on what can be measured rather than what should be measured. League tables and performance bonuses can promote a culture of short term compliance and short-cuts, as opposed to supporting higher quality, long-term interaction. This has been recognised in the development of the Integrated Probation Performance Framework referred to earlier, where the national aspiration is to focus on outcomes – for instance, the reduction of offending, the effective protection of the public, the effective delivery of interventions and organizational capability. However, outcomes are notoriously difficult to measure, which means that the current IPPF concentrates principally on process. This involves quantifying the time it takes to complete risk management plans on high risk offenders or to initiate enforcement or following breach proceedings through the courts. It also involves counting the numbers of successful completions of accredited programmes.
The Malay arts in Riau Province are a cultural element where the acculturation emerges in huge scope, is complicated and takes aquiet long time. Malayarts arein various fields,such as singing, dancing, theater. Each art has been appeared and played for about two centuries. Each art gets along together and completes to each other. Just like another cultural aspects, Riau Malay arts are very influenced by extrinsic aspects, particularly politic. The trading life of Malay kingdoms in the past has greatly influenced to Malay art dynamicization. The influence of Siam that passed through Kedah and Perlis to Riau was portrayed into Mahyong, Menora and Mendu shows in the region of Aru Bay in Langkat and in the Deli Serdang Kingdom. Asian India, in this matter is Keling or Tamil, went on after Malay being identical with Islam. By the end of 19 th century, Asian India influence was marked by the flourish of Parsi, Aristocratic’s puppets’ shows, etc. Meanwhile, theIslamic Arabic influence was portrayed in Zapin Arts (Gambus), Qasidah, Rokat (Barodah), and Western Dhikr. In other words, the cultures derived from islamic culture were the most prominent (Turner, 1985).