Governance and Democracy

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Political Godfatherism and Governance in a Developing Democracy: Insight from Nigeria

Political Godfatherism and Governance in a Developing Democracy: Insight from Nigeria

When public office holders would not be accountable to the people, who at any rate did not count in their elections into public office, invariably, the loyalty of such public office holder would be tilted towards their godfathers and this in itself negates one of the critical attributes of governance and democracy which is responsive and transparent government. This scenario is also inimical to good governance and political stability which are predicated on the rule of law, due process, accountability and transparency in the management of public business. The emergence of godfatherism has also robbed the citizens of the privilege of enjoying the dividends of democratic governance in the sense that government has became reluctant to initiate and implement policies that would advance the well being of the generality of the citizens. This was a result of the fact that godfatherism in Nigeria was basically predatory in nature. The primary motive of venturing into politics was born out of the need to acquire wealth (money) from the coffers of government to which their godsons held sways (Chukwumeka, 2012).
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Experimentalist governance, deliberation and democracy : a case study of primary commodity roundtables

Experimentalist governance, deliberation and democracy : a case study of primary commodity roundtables

The emergence of primary commodity roundtables that seek to regulate producers according to principles of sustainability represents an interesting set of dilemmas. Made up of self- selected combinations of private organizations, global civil society, and interested stakeholders they blur commonly held understandings of governance and democracy in global context. On the one hand, the absence of states suggests that, to the extent that they are successful in applying and enforcing a rigorous standard of sustainability, they must count as private makers of global public policy. On the other hand, the inclusion of global civil society within their membership suggests a set of questions for how to conceptualise and develop understandings of the political role of such organizations. In this paper, we step back from a view of global civil society as necessarily acting ‘in opposition to’ either the state or private organizations, and instead seek to unpick how civil society organisations work with, within and against roundtables. We do this, moreover, by situating our analysis within a broader set of macro level considerations about governance and regulation in global perspective that focuses on the deliberative and democratic possibilities (and limits) of roundtables. In particular, we develop and critically evaluate the pragmatist theory of experimentalist governance as a framework for understanding and evaluating Roundtables. While experimentalism offers a number of fruitful avenues for thinking about and practicing deliberative global governance via Rountable we address two limitations. Firstly, the absence of a supportive social background for deliberation implies creative thinking is required with regards to fostering a level of ‘deliberation against’ Roundtables. Secondly, in a related point we raise questions of scale: the mode of regulation via Roundtables privileges quantitative assessment to render commodity chains in ‘singular’ and ‘vertical’ terms. We therefore raise ‘off farm’ issues of how decisions in one commodity sector have implications for others, and, further, how global regulation can overlook local compromises between the environment and agriculture. We therefore conclude by identifying a number of challenges for developing the theory and practice of experimentalist governance.
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The Trilemma of Legitimacy. Multilevel Governance in the EU and the Problem of Democracy. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 11

The Trilemma of Legitimacy. Multilevel Governance in the EU and the Problem of Democracy. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 11

First, I will give an overview of the main sources of legitimacy in the Euro-Polity (II.). It will be shown that the strict observation of formal rules of democracy at the European level is not the sole method in which multi-level governance in the EU might gain legitimacy. Regardless of this assumption, it is obvious that European policy-making suffers from a democratic deficit which must be taken seriously from a normative point of view. The academic debate about this democratic deficit is centered on the two dimensions of the problem, which will be presented in chapter III. On the one hand, the institutional arrangement of the EU often is inter- preted as non-democratic. On the other hand, it is argued that the EU is unable to be a ‘real’ democracy in principle because the structural and social prerequisites on which democratic rule depends are missing at the European level. These are the main challenges for European constitutional
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Effects of Economic Cooperation to Democracy and Governance in Africa

Effects of Economic Cooperation to Democracy and Governance in Africa

A major impact of economic cooperation is that increased returns from economic ties leads to availability of funds to improve governance (Kaufmann and Kray, 2003: Ekenedirichukwu, 2016:4). The provision of public services in a state demands huge input of resources. It is difficult to most governments in Africa. Such important processes as democratization and public participation require resources. Democracy is thus dependent on resource availability. This perhaps explains why western countries have been supporting democratization activities such as elections (Weber, 2018). This also extends to the quality of service delivery. As pointed out earlier, the needs of the people if met, provides them with an opportunity to engage in constructive state development, and if not met will encourage them to resort to social cleavages that they deem as providing what the state has failed to. Ethnic support thrives in Africa because of this (Okuku, 2002). Good governance in this scenario becomes difficult to achieve, and so is democracy. Their approach leans towards particular cleavages that further disrupt the nation-state.
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CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRACY IN RURAL BHUTAN: LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN PROMOTING DEMOCRACY LITERACY IN KANGLUNG GEWOG

CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRACY IN RURAL BHUTAN: LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN PROMOTING DEMOCRACY LITERACY IN KANGLUNG GEWOG

Licensed under Creative Common Page 604 or the feeling of being excluded might lead to conflicts and skirmishes. This is because of two main reasons. Firstly, from the data generated, the opinion of the rural people in terms of good governance is totally different than what an urban legend would deduce. For the urban populations, having a road is viewed as one‟s fundamental „right‟ but for a rural people, it means „satisfying‟ their desires and their happiness. Hence, a mixed feeling was observed when asked about their satisfaction towards the local government‟s role in Kanglung. The data reveals that people either tend to be tentative and avoid the conversation or comment about the queries without much criticism to the local government. Secondly, since the knowledge about democracy is totally a new phenomenon in a small nation-state like Bhutan, confusions about the concept is at a high. This is also evident from the data where 33 respondents „disagreed‟ in saying that they can understand what democracy is. A further 40 respondents „agreed‟ in commenting that democracy is complicated and 9 respondents „strongly agreeing‟ that democracy is complicated. Such level of variance in the democracy literacy amongst the rural people in Kanglung is seen to deprive their active participation towards promoting rural democracy.
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Patron-Client Politics: Democracy and Governance in Nigeria, 1999-2007

Patron-Client Politics: Democracy and Governance in Nigeria, 1999-2007

This paper will examine patron-client politics in the context of democracy and governance in Nigeria with special focus on the first phase of the Fourth Republic, 1999-2007. This paper, which is essentially based on study of secondary source data, reveals that the politics is neither historically new nor peculiar to Nigeria. Its evidence abounds in older democracies, emerging democracies and even authoritarian regimes. In Nigeria, its evidence abounds in the pre-colonial political system through the colonial era to the previous civil administrations in the country since independence. This paper reveals that pecuniary motivation and the deployment of primitive tactics to settle political scores make the patron-client politics a unique phenomenon in the recent political history of the country. The paper will further reveal that the contemporary practices of patron-client politics negate the fundamental values and principle of democracy and governance. The plausible explanation adduced for the influx and changes in the patron- client politics include the structural character of the Nigerian state, which creates large stakes for the control of state power and other factors such as political decay, weak party structure and discipline, imperial presidency, political immaturity and lack of political charisma among office seekers.
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Open Governance as a Tool for Strengthening the System of e-Democracy in Georgia

Open Governance as a Tool for Strengthening the System of e-Democracy in Georgia

Abstract: Democracy is rule by people, but not every individual is directly involved in governance. Therefore, open governance must be a minimum standard for democracy. The Open Government Partnership supports the practical implementation of open government. Georgia became member in 2011, and implemented numerous reforms to strengthen good governance. This paper will an- alyze the achievements, key challenges, and the quality of participation, of Georgian national action plans. This will strengthen the practical assessment of open governance in the develop- ment process. This paper will examine action plans, monitoring reports, the OGP flagship data- base, and other sources. Furthermore, readers can find possible answers to the pertinent ques- tion of what are the innovative approaches that strengthen the role of citizens in Georgia.
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Case Test of Citizen Participation in Complex Governance—Based on the Democracy Cube

Case Test of Citizen Participation in Complex Governance—Based on the Democracy Cube

Public participation first originated from direct democracy in ancient Greece. Since modern times, public administration has been controversial around “fair- ness first” or “efficiency first”. The new public administration school, represented by Waldo and Frederickson, places greater emphasis on democratic values. Driven by the new public administration school, participatory budget re- forms have quietly emerged in China. The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China has repeatedly mentioned “protecting people’s right to participate” and “equal participation of the people”, which is enough to prove that the central government attaches importance to and supports the par- ticipatory budget reform. Zheng (2015) considers that the fundamental charac- teristic of the modern community governance structure is the participation of the government, social organizations and individual citizens [1]. Chen (2017) argues that the ordering of public participation should stand on China’s con- temporary context, promote the interaction between self-culture and other cul- How to cite this paper: Shi, M.Q. (2019)
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USAID STRATEGY DEMOCRACY HUMAN RIGHTS AND GOVERNANCE. Photo: Martin Galevski

USAID STRATEGY DEMOCRACY HUMAN RIGHTS AND GOVERNANCE. Photo: Martin Galevski

USAID sought to develop institutions of democratic gover- nance long before democracy promotion per se became an integral part of the development agenda. From its inception in 1961, USAID development programs often involved working to strengthen government institutions such as ministries and legis- latures, especially, as it became clear that a lack of accountability, corruption, and poor government performance were significant obstacles to the success of the USG’s development objectives. These programs reached a critical mass in Latin America in the mid-1980s, where the U.S. undertook pioneering efforts to explicitly strengthen democratic institutions, including judiciaries and civil society as part of an integrated development program. The 1990s became the turning point for USAID’s involvement in democracy promotion. Dramatic events in the Soviet Union and throughout much of Central Europe, Eastern Europe and Eurasia sparked an unprecedented wave of political transition. In its wake was not only a desire for freedom, but also a daunting need to establish the essential building blocks of dem- ocratic societies, such as functioning legislatures, vibrant civil societies, respect for human rights, political parties able to rep- resent citizens, accountable institutions of governance and a rule of law. USAID’s investments in DRG grew to meet this his- toric need, and USAID and its implementing partners built extensive programmatic expertise and capabilities in four crit- ical areas 1) governance; 2) rule of law; 3) elections and political processes; and 4) civil society and media. USAID has worked to support the long term democratic development needs of countries after political transitions, and in many other devel- oping democracies across the globe.
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'A watershed in watershed governance' : democracy and (de) politicization of development projects in India

'A watershed in watershed governance' : democracy and (de) politicization of development projects in India

With a continued focus on „good governance‟ and „rolling back of the state‟ in the development discourse, decentralized and participatory forms of governance have gained considerable support from all sectors. Good governance was initially used in the field of economic development where it referred to institutions‟ role in functional democracy, recognizing that establishing free markets and encouraging investments were not enough in promoting economic development. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has utilized good governance as a key concept in its development policies, defining good governance as comprising: accountability, transparency, participation, and the rule of law as mandatory administrative functions. These elements, together with consensus orientation, equity building, effectiveness and efficiency, are vital pre- requisites for sustainable change 36 . This has brought new actors to occupy the space vacated by the state in its rolling back, in the form of civil society organizations commonly understood under the label of NGO and community based organizations at the village level. Devolution of management responsibilities to the NGOs, governmental directorates, and community-based, consensually nominated bodies forms a major plank of the global (good) governance agenda.
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Governance of EU research policy: Charting forms of scientific democracy in the European Research Area

Governance of EU research policy: Charting forms of scientific democracy in the European Research Area

The texts selected to explore the operation of different understandings of ‘scientific democracy’ are the policy statements in the official documents of the EU— European Commission communications; various Expert Working Group reports; statements by EU actors (Commissioners, Commission officials) and legal texts. Key texts from the period 2000–12 were selected, from the Communication in 2000 ‘Towards a European Research Area’ to the Communication in 2012 ‘A Reinforced European Research Area Partnership for Excellence and Growth’ (European Commission 2000; 2012b), the statements on Science and Society released from 2000 onwards and, for the example of ERIC, the relevant reports of European Commission Expert Working Groups and European Commission statements, in addition to the legal instrument, the Regulation issued by the European Council (Regulation 723/2009). The texts were read with specific attention paid to ‘the citizen’ and to the role of ‘the citizen’ in science decision-making processes. Drawing on the heuristic used by Abels (2007), the questions informing the exploration of the official statements about the ERA and about ERIC are: ‘who’ participates (or is constructed as a ‘legitimate’ actor in participatory activities); ‘what’ is the nature of this participation; and ‘why’ are they participating? The concerns raised by the definition of governance in respect of role, function and authority being used to consider what might be a contemporary response to Irwin’s question, ‘how is the scientific citizen being constructed within current policy and decision processes?’ (Irwin 2001: 4). The analysis offered adheres to a key qualitative methodological requirement, namely the presentation of the material(s) so that the reader can judge the adequacy or otherwise of the assessment.
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Does Democracy or Good Governance Enhance Health? New Empirical Evidence 1900-2012

Does Democracy or Good Governance Enhance Health? New Empirical Evidence 1900-2012

Secondly, as stressed in the previous section, one unique feature of the V-Dem data is that it allows over-time and cross-country comparisons of democracies going all the way back to 1900. This advantage allows an important contribution to the study of democracy and quality of government as existing measures are not designed for panel analysis. With a sensitive topic such as corruption, potential biases introduced by limited coverage of the dataset over time and across countries could be particularly influential. Missing data could possibly be not missing at random but selection bias could be introduced in the process of deciding which cases to include or exclude (McMann et al 2015, Treisman 2007). Thus, big variation of levels and types of corruption could be lost as a result of limited coverage of data. Table 1 compares the no- corruption index and three other commonly used measures (TI Corruption Perceptions Index, and two World Bank Worldwide Governance Indicators (Rule of Law and Government Effectiveness) (Transparency International 2013, Kaufmann et al 2010). The table shows that the time range covered by the three measures reaches 14 years for maximum 158 countries, compared to the 172 countries for 114 years of the V-Dem data. The correlation coefficients of the index used in this paper with the alternative measures are between .85 and .88. That is, country-years rated as more corrupt by extant measures of corruption also tend to be rated as more corrupt by the V-Dem index, and the other way around 5 . The pattern is also evident in
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Understanding the Crisis Symptoms of Representative Democracy: The New European Economic Governance and France’s ‘Political Crisis’

Understanding the Crisis Symptoms of Representative Democracy: The New European Economic Governance and France’s ‘Political Crisis’

In this article, I show how EU discourse and the ‘new economic governance’ contributes to the marginalisation of anti-capitalist discourse. Using the example of France, I highlight two aspects often set aside in public but also academic debates: the technocratic, neoliberal character of the European Union that seeks to limit democratic discussion about political economic issues, and the discourse of the much-discussed right-wing parties like the FN in relation with the discourse of other public actors. Using this perspective, I add to the debate on the inherent and theoretical/conceptual tension between representative democracy and populism (Taggart, 2002) by showing how the ‘new economic governance’ works to increase the democratic problems of the EU by limiting the discursive space. In other words, representative liberal democracy has particularly marginalised anti-capitalism at both EU and national level. My analysis highlights that the EU’s discursive strategies when addressing economic and social issues are more aligned to those of governing parties and the employers’ association. Left-wing actors and with a different quality the FN oppose the EU’s discourse not necessarily for reasons of sovereignty but for political reasons concerning the politico-economic trajectory of France.
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Technology and Governance: Enabling Participatory Democracy

Technology and Governance: Enabling Participatory Democracy

A referendum is a direct vote in which an entire electorate (representatives) is asked either to accept or reject a particular proposal. This may result in the adoption of a new constitution, a constitutional amendment or a law. It is an expression of direct democracy as outlined above. However, in most modern democratic systems, referendums need to be understood as an element that is predominantly representative in character. As such, referenda are used selectively, covering issues such as changes in voting system. The outcome of a referendum, is binding on the government or the state. On the other hand, a plebiscite is non-binding but as an expression of political will, carries considerable weight. It has been generally witnessed that acting against the outcome of plebiscite vote results in politically negative consequences for the ruling government. Under initiative as a political process, citizens can bypass the government legislature by placing proposed act or law on popular vote. Depending on the type of democratic system, the initiative question goes on the ballot if the legislature rejects it, submits a different proposal or takes no action. Under recall process, it allows citizens to remove and replace a public official, if found guilty of misconduct of authority, before the end of term in office. All these processes and methods are components of direct democracy. However, the usage of such has declined in societies across the world. Citizen participation with the government through the above mentioned processes has been gradually overtaken by a more inclusive form of participation-involvement in the governance and decision making process. This is referred to as participatory democracy which goes beyond direct democracy by providing specific legitimation/refutation of state action and involvement of people in the governing process, including decision making and debate on policy initiatives (Larry Johnston, 2012).
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NEXUS BETWEEN ELECTIONS, GOOD GOVERNANCE AND DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA: 1922-1979

NEXUS BETWEEN ELECTIONS, GOOD GOVERNANCE AND DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA: 1922-1979

Democracy is a concept that does not have any universally accepted definition. In spite of the differences in conceptualization and practices, all version of democracy in the view of Osaghae (1992:40), share one fundamental objective of “how to govern the society in such a way that power actually belongs to all people”. Chafe (1994) argued that democracy is the involvement of the people in the running the political, socio-economic and cultural affairs of their society. The degree of involvement of the people in the total control of their polity, within the standard of natural justices, determines the degree of democratic substance of a political system (Sadeeq, 2008: 250). This shows that the peculiar virtue of democracy is thought to lie in the fact that it is only government that can advance the interests of all the members of a politically organized community (Barry, 1992).
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Better Environmental Governance: A Function of Democracy or Authoritarianism?   John W. Sutherlin, Dale K. Willson

Better Environmental Governance: A Function of Democracy or Authoritarianism? John W. Sutherlin, Dale K. Willson

Unfortunately, the question was not given enough time to be fully answered and was ended when General Marcus Jimenez used the tried and true method of military action to take control of the country. It was not the death knell of Venezuelan democracy, however. In 1958 a democratic coalition led by the Romulo Betancourt replaced the military dictatorship and it seemed as if Venezuela had finally made the transition from an Authoritarian state to one of Liberal Democracy. Democratic rule continued unabated until President Rafael Caldera pardoned the leader of an attempted military coup in 1992, whose name was Hugo Chavez. Hugo Chavez was born a poor man in a mud hut in obscure Sabaneta, and through hard work and a bit of skullduggery, attained the rank of Lt. Colonel. After he was pardoned for his failed coup, Chavez began a grassroots movement to gain political power democratically. In the elections of 1998, amidst widespread public dissatisfaction with the government, Hugo Chavez was elected democratically with 56 percent of the popular vote. Since that time, Chavez has radically changed the face of Venezuela. With actions eerily mirroring Huey Long of Louisianan fame, Hugo Chavez has proclaimed “a new socialist era” for the country of Venezuela. Countless industries have been nationalized, under the claim that international companies unfairly profited from the natural resources of Venezuela. Recent elections have shown great support for his rule, as his margins of victory have grown ever since the 1998 election. The GNP has begun to rise in the country, mainly due to the increased price of oil and new reserves that have been discovered off the coast. The newly nationalized oil and gas industries are practically chomping at the bit to get these resources, which would make Venezuela the leading producer in the Western Hemisphere, and possibly the world.
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Civil society, accountability and governance in Thailand: a dim case of participatory democracy

Civil society, accountability and governance in Thailand: a dim case of participatory democracy

There was a public outcry against the widespread corruption and abuses of power by politicians under the popularly elected government of Prime Minister Chatichai Choonhavan during 1988-9[r]

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Comparative Governance Reform in Asia_ Democracy, Corruption, and Government Trust 2008

Comparative Governance Reform in Asia_ Democracy, Corruption, and Government Trust 2008

chapter by Professor David S. Jones considers the burdens on business caused by regulatory procedures imposed by bureaucracy in the countries of Southeast Asia, and how the reform of such procedures has varied across region, with a particular focus on certain key business functions. From Taiwan, Milan Tung-Wen Sun attempts to evaluate the results of government reform in Taiwan’s local government by focusing on one major question: Have local governments in Taiwan become ‘‘smaller and better’’? The chapter by Pan Suk Kim reviews the efforts of the South Korean government to develop major anti-corruption infrastructure such as the anti-corruption legislation and the anti-corruption agency. He also discusses the role of civil society in curbing corruption and the international evaluation of the South Korean government’s efforts to eradicate corruption. Suchitra Punyaratabandhu investigates citizen attitudes toward control of corruption, their trust in government, and the relationship between trust and corruption in order to determine whether these factors are conducive to governance reform. From Japan, Masao Kikuchi attempts to show the current level of trust in the Japanese government. Government reform efforts to rebuild government trust at the central and local governments are assessed. Lastly, Gene A. Brewer, Yujin Choi, and Richard Walker use World Bank Governance Indicators to investigate government effectiveness in Asia. The key factors considered are: accountability and voice, control of corruption, wealth and income, and the presence of a democratic form of government.
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Towards inclusive social appraisal: risk, participation and democracy in governance of synthetic biology

Towards inclusive social appraisal: risk, participation and democracy in governance of synthetic biology

It is also important to recognise that these drivers for more participatory practices are not new. Similar calls for more inclusive risk-based governance have been made previously in the context of genetically modified plants [22], and for risk assessment more generally [23], on the stated grounds that: (i) early public engagement can provide information that improves decisions; (ii) including stakeholders and the public in the decision-making process leads to more trusted decisions; and, (iii) citizens have a right to influence decisions about issues that affect them [24]. If public engagement exercises around synthetic biology or gene drives are to be credible or robust in the substantive terms described above, then they should not be restricted to issues of risk or safety alone, nor confined merely to the ways in which a new technology should be introduced [25].
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Governance Indicators for Strategic Business Decisions: Diversity of Western Asian Countries in Terms of Democracy

Governance Indicators for Strategic Business Decisions: Diversity of Western Asian Countries in Terms of Democracy

This need for a wider definition of democracy lies at the heart of the Democracy Index compiled by the EIU (2017) which considered that freedom was an essential but not sufficient ingredient in democracy. The index is composite with 5 components weighted equally: civil liberties, election process and pluralism, political participation, political culture and functioning of government. The index is based on experts' opinions to 12 questions in each category. But instead of allowing a graduated scale of responses (like the Voice and Accountability Index by the World Bank) it prefers a simply 'yes/no' answer (though it does allow for half-way opinions), arguing that it leaves less room open for differences in interpretation among the experts. The index also includes survey data. Results are expressed on scale of 1 to 10. The countries then are categorized in one of four types of regimes: full democracies, flawed democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes. There are ten the most and the least democratic countries in Table 1.
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