My friend Cua’o called her grandmother ‘mother’ because she had been adopted, but occasionally referred to Erlinda (M) as mother too; moreover she called her own biological brother Mequecua lnono’ (B) but she used the same term for Elico (MB). Another example is Ino Talma’s who, having been cared for by different people during her lifetime calls ‘father’ three different men (Romualdo, Cuima and Shope). This is consistent with the logic which Peluso and Boster describe as ‘partible parentage’ (2002: 137), whereby a child is attributed to different fathers who have had intercourse with the mother during pregnancy - Ino’s mother was said to have had many lovers, although, as I mentioned this idea was never voiced to me. This flexibility explains the apparently loose use of kinship terminology in everyday talk. When a child is adopted, he/she will call the adoptive parents ‘mother’ and ‘father’, although if he/she goes back and live with the natural parents, he/she will use the same terms for both sets. Thus one’s kin are those one calls kin at any time; what matters is the nature of the ties that are established between kin. These ideas reveal the presence of two elements in the system of identity formation: the notion that one’s identity is passed through men, and that identity depends upon one’s behaviour. To see these positions as contradictory is to essentialise identity as a property of the person that can only derive from one source, and that is permanent and unchangeable, but all the evidence shows that in Amazonia this is not the case. A typical example is the position of spouses, who are taken-on the basis of their otherness, but are turned into the same kind of beings through the use of teknonyms.
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In Reformed parish of Balc, the absence of a confessional otherness was generated, we believe, also by the large overlap of the two ethnic and confessional components. It is known that this region shared Reformed faith (in small part Roman Catholic, too), the Romanians were Greek Catholic and Orthodox and the Slovaks were Roman Catholic. These religious and ethnic groups showed several features of a strong preservation behavior of their identity. Obviously there were exceptions to this general framework. In such a context, the religious otherness, doubled by the ethnic otherness, was a low. When ethnic component disappears (the case of Roman Catholic Hungarian identified within marriages with Reformed partners in Suplacu de Barcău and Ip), the confessional otherness was more obvious.
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Finally, stress develops where aggregation of the liminal state is incomplete (Beech 2010). Ladge, Clair and Greenberg (2012), observe that triggers in liminal states, may lead to self-questioning and re-visioning. Closing the scenario and de-roling are vital to the health and wellbeing of the CALD SP (Bosek, Li & Hicks 2007). Banks (2008) suggests that strong attachments to identity groups, such as those of race religion and ethnicity, can lead to divisions and conflicts in society. While Ladge, Clair and Greenberg (2012) note that all identities are not accepted and an individual may reject an identity or delay working through a new identity. These ideas demonstrate that some identity characteristics have risks for the individual. The social pressure to identify with or reject a characteristic may be an issue, if deemed positive or negative in a given context. When discussing stigma management for men with gay identities; Cain (1991) found that the men could be overtly gay in some circumstances, but not in others. He goes on to note that social influences of identity formation are an important determinant. Kaufman and Johnson (2004) support Cain’s (1991) view, observing that people are highly perceptive to interpreting the appraisal of those around them. Individuals want others around them to conform to their self-view, even when that self-view is negative (Kaufman & Johnson, 2004).
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understandings of identity or a belief in a particular ideology, ideas are seen to sit at that intersection where the material and ideational worlds become irrevocably intertwined. From this starting point of subjectivity, it is a question of considering how some ideas become shared and widespread, perhaps to the extent that they are agreed upon, tacitly and without question, acting as a bedrock upon which more complex mental formulations can be developed. Language is the principal medium through which humans come to share ideas, as they move from the subjective to the intersubjective and back again. Very simply, where language becomes relatively stable, producing meaning in a fairly systematic way, it is possible to observe a discourse. While this systematicity is inevitably partial and incomplete, without the possibility of fixity, it is relatively regular and predictable in its production of meaning. Foreign policy, in large part, is about the production, maintenance and eventual disruption of particular discourses, which serve to generate meanings about ideas and identities in a relatively predictable manner.
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Orlando’s desire for literature and writing can be regarded as another aspect of his/her tendency to Britishness. Woolf identifies that national British culture can be defined in terms of the national literature. For Woolf, the British space was mixed up with English literature, so much so that she constructs the history of development of British literature and its modes of production during three centuries. Therefore Helen Gardner believes, literature, which confers, “‘the sense of national identity’” (qtd. in Easthrope 117), can be regarded as a source of national pride. Orlando’s love of literature is described as a common disease which is like his/her love of nature, and signifies Orlando’s love of home, Britain. Literature remains a favorite hobby for Orlando throughout his/her years of adulthood. Hoping to be an important part of the British rituals and traditions, Orlando vows that “[h]e would be first poet of his race and bring immortal luster upon his nature” (O, 78). Orlando as boy by seeing William Shakespeare (1564-1616) has the desire to be a poet, as Briggs writes, “Orlando, like Vita or Shakespeare, was a poet” (18). Woolf portrays Shakespeare’s position in Britain’s national culture and literature; furthermore, British literature cannot exist without Shakespeare. Thus Woolf shows the role of Shakespeare in Britain’s dominant history and literature and represents him as a gifted poet. Before metamorphosis, Orlando invites the poet Nick Greene to talk about “the sacred subject of poetry” (O, 51). Woolf writes, Greene “belonged to sacred race rather than to the noble” (O, 45). Although Greene gives Orlando suggestions regarding literary creation but he mocks Orlando’s private life in his writing. In eighteenth century Orlando’s contact with some great poets and writers such as Alexander Pope (1688-1744), Joseph Addison (1672-1719) and Jonathan Swift (1667-1745) is another aspect of her growth as a poet.
Forster’s canon of works draw o ften on an analysis of the English abroad, such as A Room with a View, and Where Angels Fear to Tread. Just as Lucy despairs of an Italy disguised by a re-creation of English norms in A Room with a View, the narrative confines itself ultimately to an investigation of the English micro-society contained within Italy. In A Passage to India, Forster ostensibly attempts to e xtend this investigation to exa mine not only the English, but also the Indian Other wh ich informs their identity as the British Abroad. However, as much as Forster challenges English convention, the narrative, along with the characters (both British and Indian), are trapped within it. Indeed, as a mic ro-society, the British active ly atte mpt to recreate their ho me society in India, for instance with the performance of Cousin Kate; They had tried to reproduce their own attitude to life upon the stage, and to dress up as the middle -class English people that they actually were. (Forster Cousin Kate 36)(3).
At home, a child lives in relationship with particular individuals, and even when there are many children in the home, or these relationships are less than ideal, they are unique with each member of the family. A child then leaves home and enters school “as a stranger to the objective world for which schooling serves as a rite of initiation” (Packer & Goicoechea, 2000, p. 148). In school, a child is asked to become one of a type—a student—who is expected to have the same kind of relationship with each teacher based on designated school rules. Or, as Schütz (1964) put it, students are expected to conduct themselves “in the manner of the anonymous type” (p. 102). These rules are abstractions sustained by the school/classroom community and by the requirement that students relate to the world in another way, that is, by mastering symbolic forms such as the alphabet, numbers, musical notes, and so forth, which are required to represent students’ knowledge and relationship to the self, others, and the world around them. Thus, school not only necessitates an ontological change in children, but imposes a particular (scientific) epistemological construction of their knowledge of and about the world, which may or may not be similar to the everyday epistemology of their homes. Yet the new kind of individual shaped by school practices does not replace the old: the child goes home every day after school. Thus the child’s identity becomes split (Lippitz, 2007). As Lippitz (2007) explains,
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This paper was principally concerned with the way some sophisticated critical approaches in IR tend to reproduce the paradoxes of the politics of critique in their engagement with the self/other problematique. It has been suggested that their understanding of otherness is theoretically informed by the two antithetical philosophical responses to the enigma of alterity, namely relative vs. absolute otherness. Hegel’s attempt to show the inadequateness and self-subversiveness of abstracted forms of universality have alerted us to the illusions of pure identity but have also forced us to confront the limits of a relative engagement with otherness. In contrast, Levinas’ alternative understanding of alterity calls for a relationship between self and other that regards heteronomous responsibility towards the other as prior to any consciousness or intentionality required for the self’s awareness of and capacity for communication but achieves that at the expense of rendering the other almost unintelligible. Derrida, perhaps too hastily, agrees with Levinas in identifying a totalising impetus in Hegel’s logic; yet, when it comes to the issue of how we relate to the other Derrida recognises a certain indispensability in Hegel. Ultimately, Derrida’s critique of Levinas reminds us that there can be no relation to alterity outside the horizon of immanence and invites us to accept the inevitability of committing
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[T]he act of looking back, of seeing with fresh eyes, of entering an old text from a new critical direction – [it] is for us more than a chapter in cultural history: it is an act of survival. Until we can understand the assumptions in which we are drenched we cannot know ourselves. And this drive to self- knowledge, for women, is more than a search for identity: it is part of her refusal of the self-destructiveness of male-dominated society.
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Moreover, in the history of the Ethiopian educational policy making process, two major attempts were made almost after 47 years of the first educational policy made by the italian fascists. During those periods the Ethiopian modern educa- tional system was unable to achieve any significant development in any aspect. Rather, scholars criticized the situation as - limited in its access, unable to treat all societies as equal city urban, male, and class biased of the country, as elitist that was accessible for the few, and they were wasteful in general (Seyoum 2006). Both education policies of Emperor hailesilase and that of the Derg. The educa- tion sector review (ERS) and Evaluative research of the general education system in Ethiopia (ERGESE) respectively were criticized as policies of assimilation that reflected the cultures, values, beliefs, religion of the northern highlands of Ethio- pia specifically that of Amhara and Tigray regions. This was primarily aimed at achieving the building of an educational system that would contribute to a strong national identity and to survive a strong unified nation that seems the major goal of the two regimes (Getachew, Derib 2006, p. 45-47).
It could be said that Deleuze and Whitehead both worked on the problem of otherness in complementary manners. The work of Deleuze (1994a) and Whitehead (1978) is comprehensible as parallel yet distinctive projects that add philosophical detail to the action of singularities as nomadic others in technological environments; however, I would not wish to posit an identity or assemblage, such as Deleuze-Whitehead, in the manner that Alain Badiou (1994) does in his essay concerning The Fold. The creative difference of Platonic Forms in Whitehead, opposes the actual difference of singularities in Deleuze. Both thinkers are joined more definitely in their appropriation of Bergsonian notions of durée and intuition, and a dynamic relationship to science. In Whitehead’s (1978) terms, temporal endurance (durée) depends on subjective aim; his expression for Bergson’s intuition is conceptual prehension. This temporal endurance selected for any one actuality, determines how the extensive continuum is atomised by atomic actualities of a locus in the “unison of becoming” (p. 128). Whitehead’s philosophy of the organism which presents a coherent cosmology for science in terms of process, then establishes the foundations for mathematical expression of physical science. These complex categoreal conditions (Whitehead, 1978, pp. 219-283) consist generally in satisfying some condition of a maximum, to be obtained by the transmission of inherited types of order. Otherness in this sense is dependent on time concerns in the individual that might extend and create this sensation as working processes. Whitehead would therefore diagnose the narrative forms of otherness in the education system as deriving their nature from relative and interactive worlds of mediation that are being created through the technological and augmented regimes of change that have swept through highly industrialised countries.
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The great event at Sinai was a significant moment and a turning point in Jewish history. However, Plaskow feels that it was equally important and significant in the establishment of the otherness of women in Judaism. When Moses warns his people to ―be ready for the third day‖ and orders them, ―do not go near a woman‖ (Exodus.19:15), Plaskow‘s objection is that when everybody, not just a certain group of individuals, were waiting for God‘s presence, Moses addresses the community as men. As a result, at this central moment in Jewish history, women became invisible. Moses‘ statement at this crucial time is seen by Plaskow as ―a paradigm of the profound injustice‖ of the Torah itself, through which the otherness of women finds its way into the very center of the Jewish experience (Plaskow 1990, 25). Although she does not solely blame this verse for the situation of women, she nevertheless believes that it sets forth a pattern that occurs repeatedly in Jewish texts.
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Distinctiveness and exclusivity in relation to the “normal” and “everyday” are decisive features for evoking senses of belonging. By using explorative factor anal- ysis the underlying dimensions of uses and functions for the sample of students in that survey have been extracted. For these respondents the city center serves as a site for collective assemblage and is used as an exclusive site for performing an exclusive life-style. Implicitly the uses listed by the respondents in this survey refer to the construction of personal, social, cultural and spatial identity. The city center is used for meeting friends, window shopping and shopping—part of constructing the self and social identity (Hatz & Kreppenhofer, 2012). Scholars (Savage et al., 2005: p. 116; Zukin, 1995; Zukin, 2005) agree that consumption has become not only a means to attract people to the city’s core but in particular conspicuous consumption has morphed into an integral part of the individual’s definition of the self. When linked to space, conspicuous consumption has moved on to the consumption in and of spaces, which constructs the consumer’s iden- tity, and eventually, when related to space, connects the consumer and the spac- es of consumption by a sense of belonging. Using the city center for cultural ac- tivities points at the formation of cultural identity—and belonging and in this vein “sightseeing” relates to the formation of cultural identity and identity and be- longing of and with a site (Hatz, & Kreppenhofer, 2012). Savage et al. (2005) as- sociate senses of belonging in particular with city centers with “high culture”, cul- tural activities and shopping, however as an exclusive and selective activity. Aloof from everyday routines, the activities performed in the city center mark the es- capistic trait of the site. However, even though the center itself is uncontested, this does not hold true for the uses, the meanings and functions affiliated with the center. The changing meanings associated with the center of a city refer to the second principle of heterotopias.
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One other matter remains necessary to clarify: the question of what must be understood as justice throughout the books that constitute the Old and New Testaments. In this sense, Porfirio Miranda‘s exegesis strikes me as consistent with a project that aims for the establishment of the kingdom of heaven on earth or whatever we might call the most universally desirable state of the world. Miranda reminds the reader that the eschatological expressions found in Paul, John, and the Synoptic Gospels—expressions such as ―final judgment,‖ ―vindicate in righteousness‖ (Psalms 35:24), ―righteous judge‖ (Psalms 9:5), and approximately 325 other examples throughout the 73 books encompassing the Old and New Testaments (Miranda 2008, 133) in reference to what has been distinctly translated as ―Law,‖ ―judicial act,‖ ―right,‖ ―justice,‖ and ―extrajudicial just intervention‖— correspond to various Greek terms that share the root krin, which yields the verb krinein. In turn, this verb was the one utilized to translate the nouns, verbs, and participles that come from the Hebrew root spt, which led to words like safat (verb: to judge), sofêt (noun: judging, judge), and mishpat (noun: justice). In doing exegesis of Porfirio Miranda‘s major contributions on this subject, it must be evident that the Torah, the Law, cannot be understood without mishpat as the touchstone. Mishpat is the praxis of the Torah, the spirit of the Law. Miranda emphasizes the utilization of the term mishpatim (plural) in Ex 15:25: ―Then Moses cried out to the Lord, and the Lord showed him a piece of wood. He threw it into the water, and the water became fit to drink. There the Lord issued a ruling and instruction for them‖; Ex 18:20: ―And teach them his decrees and instructions, and show them the way they are to live and how they are to behave‖; and Ex 21:1: These are the laws you are to set before them.‖ Exodus 21:1 is followed by behavioral regulations that clearly foster the dignity of life in contrast to the historical and cultural context of the era. 21 In all these references to norms, the original term, Miranda informs, is the same; it has a character of active responsibility toward the other, who occupies existential circumstances of disadvantage. The Mexican philosopher explicitly mentions three actions: to defend the weak, to liberate the oppressed, and to bring justice to the poor. Hermeneutically, I believe that mishpat must be understood as the already fulfilled material side of the Torah that, as the Law, would only be the formal judicial body of normativity. Mishpat implies fulfillment. Mishpat must have contained a sense of vindication for Jewish identity, a people who saw themselves as historically
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A similar process was evident in the same home tutor’s reference to ‘mugs’. She asserted strongly, “Oh no, not me, I wasn’t a mug” in a part of the interview where I was to delineate terms that show people used to separate themselves from other people. Yet this tutor also indicated that, although she had travelled with the ‘showies’ for almost two years, for most of that time she dwelt on the margins of identity, not accepted by show people as a complete ‘showie’ and yet perceived by ‘locals’ who attended the shows as being associated with the show circuits. In that context, the speaker’s rejection of the label ‘mug’ as having applied to her at any time reinforces the proposition that it is a more derogatory and specialised term than ‘local’. This proposition was supported by the home tutor’s subsequent reference to ‘mug’ in connection with as a description of a ‘rigged’ game: “I mean, how are you going to knock these down? That’s a joke!” So ‘mug’ in this sense has a more restricted meaning and use than the more generalised term ‘local’ - a point that I made in Chapter Six in connection with the show people’s use of the term as a reversal tactic to counteract the derogatory terms routinely levelled at them. This home tutor’s implicit acceptance of the function of that tactic was evident in her recognition of its negative valence.
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Throughout most wars that targeted memory and identity, systemic demolition of some buildings, architectural heritage, and landmarks occurred and sometimes urban areas were removed completely. This happened in cases of obliterating a certain civilization and replacing it with another. “The first step in liquidating a people is to erase its memory. Destroy its books, its culture, its history” (Kundera, 1999). In history we have a lot of examples such as: the destruction of the Library of Alexandria by the Romans in 48 B.C, the demolition of lots of cities and countries during World War I and II, conflicts between Muslims and Hindus in India over 1947-1991, and the destruction of the Tibet heritage by China during 1949- 1950. In addition to lots of violent acts against symbolic buildings such as libraries, mosques and bridges in Yugoslavia over 1991-1999, the destruction of Buddha statues in Bamiyan (in Afghanistan) by Taliban in 2001, the attack on World Trade Center on the ninth of September 2001, and finally the demolition of the Shrines in Mali in July 2012. Those buildings are targeted and destroyed due to their moral value and what they represent of cultural memory at the community or people’s level. According to Bevan Robert, the author of “The Destruction of Memory”: “This is the active and often systemic destruction of particular building types or architectural traditions that happens in conflicts where the erasure of the memories, history, and identity attached to architecture and place-enforced forgetting-is the goal itself. These buildings are attacked not because they are in the path of a military objective: to their destroyers that are the objective" (Bevan, 2004).
The major theme identified in terms of the invisiblist’s use of language is that of language as something else, that is, in another function. For Kristeva (1980, 1984), it is as Semiotic or Poetic language – or that not of the everyday realm. For Artaud (1970), it is a language of the body evidenced by his moving hieroglyphics. Artaud (1970) also advocated otherness of the vocal instrument, exemplifying incantation as a modality of communication. Brook (1968a) explores further Artaud’s premise of writing with the body for performance, and also proposes word-as-other, for example “word-shock “or “word-cry” (Brook, 1982a: 49). Kalb cites Beckett (1989), who speaks of his texts as comprising fundamental sounds, and his dramatic writing process as akin to scoring music. Kalb (1989) also cites Beckett directing his action in physical themes, a kind of highly choreographed mise en scene. Kemp (1999-2000) mines language for its various textual registers and employs distinctly feminine acoustics in Call of the Wild (1999- 2000). In addition to this sound-scape effect, Kemp (1996, 2002) explores spatial dynamics via choreography of the performers’ bodies in relation to the space. Price (2004) also employs a sounding effect, likening his construction of dialogue at points to creating a symphony of voices. Keene (2000, 2002) explores the notion of aural texture with his linguistic construction ranging from cohesive to fragmented in style in order to convey shifts in a given character’s psyche.
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What we have then is a sliding scale which extends between extremes of otherness, and which reflects and reinforces wider notions of ‘deviance and morality’, ‘inclusion and exclusion’. At one end of the spectrum are those who are of society but not in it: dole scroungers, asylum seekers, travellers, who are portrayed as social and economic parasites, contributing little or nothing to the economy, while relentlessly draining the state and hard-working tax payers of vital resources better deployed elsewhere. At the other end are those who are in society but not of it: paedophiles, child killers and religious fundamentalist terrorists, whose acts are portrayed as an affront against the sacrosanct values of virtue, decency and morality, apparently held by all respectable citizens.
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Deliverance &/or Expulsion No.1, 2015 is based on the original Masaccio painting Expulsion from the Garden (Figure 1). Here, I was interested in shifting the focus from the key figures in the narrative (Adam and Eve) to the garden (the ground): the ground becomes the protagonist. In this painting, the background appears to envelope the figures. The dominant feature of the work is the organic forms flanking the sides of the composition; these have the stronger and larger contrasts of cool lights and darks. An activation and energy is suggested throughout the garden canopy and through the syncopated sharp gestural marks, whilst the figures are rendered with smoother tonal shifts, appearing static in contrast. Although some marks are illustrative and clumsy, this work was pivotal in the project: it shifted my studio testing to focus on the material, application and surface of the painting as the key language to express tension in garden imagery. The characteristic of otherness in this case is the subversion of the figure/ground relationship, shifting from representation to form, and the form or ground, in this case, shifting to figuration. The emotion of the expulsion, its shame and hope, are no longer seen within a human figure, but are now embedded in the garden ground. The otherness of gender is starting to transition into the ground in this test.
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The regional autonomy study in Indonesia, more or less, has affected the communal identities in South, Central, and East Kalimantan. The understanding of the relationship between ethnic groups, beliefs, and languages holds an important role, which, become the object of ethnographic study. Schwaner (1963) categorized the group of Dayak Barito as Ngaju. The term Ngaju in the local language means “upriver.“ Besides that the term “Oloh Ngajus“ is also used to identify the group which is different from the other group called “Oloh Tumbang“, the Dayak community who live in the estuary. This study has found how the religion identity of Bakumpai in the context as Dayak and Moslem in Kalimantan, live in the estuary of Barito River refer to Orang Bakumpai. The data are collected with 15 informan, the period of August 2015 to June 2016 using the ethnographic approach in the area of Barito River, Samba, and Long Iram. The narration of the lives and identity of Bakumpai People in South and Central Kalimantan. Bakumpai People who make the conversion to Moslem do not automatically omit their Dayak; they do not change their custom and culture like what has been found in another Dayak in Kalimantan to become Melayu (Tame Melayo, Basalam). The structure of the former community does not automatically change Dayak into Melayu. Some researchers have touched the identity issue. Therefore the term “Dayak” is not inclusive of Islam; however, Bakumpai People, as Moslem Dayak, say proudly that the are part of Melayu as ancestor and Ngaju.