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Untangling Wool: Fibre preparation for woollen threads in Dutch Early  Bronze Age to Middle Iron Age

Untangling Wool: Fibre preparation for woollen threads in Dutch Early Bronze Age to Middle Iron Age

Spinning with a drop spindle can either be done clockwise (z) or counterclockwise (s) (figure 3). As stated by Bender Jørgensen (1991) both directions have been found in Dutch prehistoric textiles. However a trend seems to be noticed. Early Bronze Age groups prefer s-spin and Iron Age communities z-spin (Bender Jørgensen 1991, 42-43). Also plying has been done in order to create yarn. Plying is the spinning of already spun threads to create a new, thicker thread (figure 3). The plying is often done in the opposite direction in which the threads are spun, otherwise the thread could become unspun (Barber 1992, 42). However, this is not essential (figure 8). To create a thread it would take up more time to ply the already spun material again before using it to create an actual fabric. When a cloth is almost immediately needed, someone could leave the plying for what it is and begin working with the yarn made up of only one thread. Working with prehistoric material in Europe, plied yarn is rare. A reason could be, because it is more time consuming than directly starting on the weave or other type of fabric production technique.
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A Reevaluation of Iron Age Fortified Sites on the Eastern Kerak Plateau

A Reevaluation of Iron Age Fortified Sites on the Eastern Kerak Plateau

of Wadi Mujib, overlooking the upper drainage of the same wadi. Its view extends as far as 20 km to the southwest to include Khirbet el-Fityan, a Roman fort built on top of a supposed Iron Age fort. 152 Glueck considered this site part of his “chain of Moabite fortresses.” 153 Qasr Abu al-Kharaqa is clearly visible from Qasr el-‘Al and construction of the two sites is very similar. Qasr el-‘Al has a large tower (ca. 16 x 20 m) (Figure 4.7) that still stands to 6 m in some places. The wall enclosing Qasr el-‘Al is ca. 1.5 m thick, and there is evidence of rooms built against the enclosure wall. Some of these rooms are well preserved, and one still retains its lintel in place above the doorway (Figure 4.8). The site also includes many cisterns and caves. Unfortunately, the site has experienced a great deal of modern disturbance and looting. There are many modern burials inside the rock tumble of the tower and even these have been disturbed by looters (Figure 4.9).
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Historical Reconstruction Of Social Relations Of The Bronze And Early Iron Age

Historical Reconstruction Of Social Relations Of The Bronze And Early Iron Age

it with the Sapallitepe population, T.Sh. Shirinov compared it with the Jarkutan population, V.I. Sarianidi and V.M. Masson compared it with the Bronze Age population of Margiana, Yu.A. Zadneprovsky compared it with the Chust culture, А.S. Sagdullaev compared it with the social composition of Early Iron age population of Bactria. According to the analyses of the study results and precise layout, Sapallitepe was a village of 8 patriarchal communities of Bronze Age [2]. To tell it in the Avesta language, we can imagine Sapallitepe as a ―vis‖ (village, community) uniting 8 ―nmana‖ (family) with each other. Each kinship community, that is, a big patriarchal family had its Patriarch – nmanapati, and each vis (a village kinship community) uniting these families had a vispati. Each patriarchal dwelling complex had a house with many rooms (a fireplace with a chimney, a hallway, and bedroom with a sandal, a family altar, and a grain storage room, a wide and long room for a weaving loom) and this kind of big patriarchal family made up the Sapallitepe nmanas. V.А. Livshits comments that according to an Avesta tradition, a clan was consisted of 15 and more small families (15 small family is about 75-90 people). A small family in Sapallitepe was consisted of 5-6 people, in different periods, 30-61-47 families lived in Sapallitepe (А.А.Askarov). Maximally, a small family had 6 people, and it is possible that in different period, population of Sapallitepe was 180-366-282 people or it consisted of several neighboring clan communities (they are called ―varzana‖ in Avesta) [1]. People of Sapallitepe initially buried their dead fellow clan members under the floor of their homes, women were often buried in front of a fireplace while men were buried in front of a room door, and under
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Body parts, placements, and people in an Iron Age town in Bulgaria

Body parts, placements, and people in an Iron Age town in Bulgaria

The deposition of articulating or associated body parts (ABGs) of sheep and cattle in lined pits at Pistiros may simply be the disposal of noxious butchery or consumption waste, but it probably had much greater signifi cance. The deposition of ABGs is a common occurrence at Iron Age sites in Western and Central Europe and does appear to be structured in terms of what is deposited, how it is treated, and the type of context in which it is deposited. The deposition of ceramics and metalwork in the lined pits is extremely similar to that of animal remains. All three types of material include complete or near complete items (ceramic vessels, metal artifacts, animal carcasses). In the case of the ceramics and the animals, the similarities are even more marked: the assemblages combine ‘special’ items (ABGs and whole vessels) with ‘ordinary’ material (sherds and broken bones). In both cases, the ‘ordinary’ material does not appear to be either incidental or residual material incorporated into the backfi ll of the pits. Clearly, we must distinguish between casual discard, deliberate disposal, and careful placing. Sometimes the manner of placement is important (keeping associated items together: ABGs), sometimes it is the locus of placement (the limits of the town, a lined pit) that has signifi cance. In Sample 1, it seems that the material placed and the manner of its deposition were not special, but the location was. For the two lined pits in Samples 2 and 3, the material and how it was deposited and where it was placed were all important.
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Human Sacrifice in Iron Age Northern Europe: the Culture of the Bog People

Human Sacrifice in Iron Age Northern Europe: the Culture of the Bog People

The fact that rituals involving the sacrifice of people were present within the cultures of Iron Age Northern Europe has long been known. The purpose of this paper is to dig further towards the socio-cultural reasons behind such rituals, and to examine the evidence for how these rituals might have played out within the context of the cultures at the time. What was the nature of this sacrificial practice, and what was its purpose? Did the ritual exist purely for spiritual reasons, or did it have any other functions for the people who practiced human sacrificial rituals? These questions will be answered by examining the current literature surrounding the subject and by conducting a cross- cultural analysis between the culture of the bog people and other societies whom are known or suspected to have engaged in human sacrificial practices. In order to establish the nature and function of this ritual as it pertained to the Iron Age cultures of Northern Europe, a number of avenues will be explored. The types of victims will be analyzed. What was the age and sex of the average victim? Do we know anything about their place in society? The answers to these questions will give further insight into the motivations and justifications behind the ritual, and the way that such a ritual might be orchestrated with respect to the social order of a group. What was the method of execution? What degree of violence was deployed with these sorts of rituals? When and where did human sacrifice occur? Was there any particular significance or symbolism behind the chosen location or time frame for the ritual? By understanding the answers to these questions the inner workings and symbolic meanings behind the ritual become apparent. What will also hopefully become apparent is that along with representing a dialogue and exchange with the supernatural filled with symbolism, the ritual of human sacrifice also had many pragmatic societal functions for the maintenance of social order and the protection of power for a class of religious elite.
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Excavation of the Early Iron Age Settlement at Azoria, Kentro 2013.pdf

Excavation of the Early Iron Age Settlement at Azoria, Kentro 2013.pdf

Excavations at Azoria were reopened in 2013 for the purpose of studying the transition from the Early Iron Age to Archaic periods; the chronology and character of a significant horizon of rebuilding on the site at the end of the period; and the pattern of the Early Iron Age activity on the site and in the region. While there is evidence for Final Neolithic and Early Minoan III occupa- tion at Azoria, previous work in 2002–2006 demonstrated an ini- tial foundation date for the settlement in Late Minoan IIIC, and continuous occupation through the Early Iron Age and Orientalizing (O) periods. Excavations have succeeded in expos- ing parts of the Late Minoan (LM) IIIC and Late Geometric (LG) settlement, stratified occupation layers underlying Archaic build- ings across the southwest slope of the South Acropolis. Although Archaic foundation deposits typically contain EIA material, indi- cating that most of the area of the peaks and upper slopes of the site were occupied in these periods, it remained to explore the extent, structure, and chronology of these various occupation phases. This stratigraphic work forms the focus of the current stage of excavation at Azoria.
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Bioarchaeological evidence for conflict in Iron Age north-west Cambodia

Bioarchaeological evidence for conflict in Iron Age north-west Cambodia

A Thai site, further to the north, Ban Wang Hai, contains some military artefacts including an iron sword approximately 450 mm in length (Pautreau et al. 2003). Bronson (1991) has noted that “[t]he appearance of iron…seems to be accompanied in some parts of [Thailand] by significant alterations of the societies and economies involved.” It is difficult to tell if the introduction of this new technology was related to apparent changes in the socio-economic fabric of Southeast Asian societies but there were a number of changes, at least in Northeast Thailand, at the beginning of the Iron Age (c. 500 BCE), including a proliferation of
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A Case Study of Assertions for the Iron Age and Implications for Temporal Metadata Creation

A Case Study of Assertions for the Iron Age and Implications for Temporal Metadata Creation

This paper presents an exploratory case study of definitions, or assertions, of the Iron Age and its subdivisions consisting of name, date range, location, and source within two broadly defined geographic regions. The collected assertions represent a period label— the Iron Age—that would appear in an authoritative database of time periods that does not require a controlled vocabulary. Assertions were gathered from archaeological literature and related sources. Results showed that date ranges for the Iron Age varied both by region and scholar. Subdivisions within the Iron Age are also named differently depending on the geographic area. Consolidating definitions for an authority file would cause loss of information. This study is intended to address the role of authority files in temporal metadata in order to contribute generally to an understanding of appropriate metadata.
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Monumental Routes: Movement And The Built Environment At Iron Age Gordion

Monumental Routes: Movement And The Built Environment At Iron Age Gordion

understanding the Iron Age on the Anatolian Plateau. One hundred burial mounds (or tumuli) dot the landscape around Gordion’s Citadel Mound, of which 43 have been excavated. The vast majority of those date to the Iron Age, between 850 and 530 BCE. Thus far, they have mainly been studied as burial assemblages, and little research has been conducted on the mounds as archaeological features in their own right. There are suggestions that certain tumuli were aligned along ancient routes, or with monumental architecture of the Citadel Mound. The present study embeds the tumuli within their landscape and considers them intentional transformations of the environment. Through a careful reconstruction of ancient routes, using digital methodologies to model their paths and views along them, combined with personal reconnaissance to document the phenomenology of traveling, I will describe the process of monumentalizing this landscape that unfolded over several centuries, its spatial and chronological distribution, and what it implies about the changing sociopolitical situation at Gordion. Several routes will be shown to share characteristics of monumental construction related to movement and visibility that vary according to topography and the sociopolitical relationship between Gordion other settlements, suggesting strong cultural cohesion
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The Riches of Rhenen: a practice of deposition during the Neolithic period, Bronze Age and Iron Age

The Riches of Rhenen: a practice of deposition during the Neolithic period, Bronze Age and Iron Age

analysed in religious terms alone, it also has a social dimension. He argues that sword depositions are a form of public display of wealth. According to Roymans (1991) regions where deposition took place were economically superior regions. The public discarding of esteemed objects might have been a way to regulate the supply of prestige goods and maintaining their restricted social role when the circulation of these objects was too abundant (Roymans 1991, 19-28). Despite that the deposition of metal in wet places diminished during the transition to the Iron age, the depositions of other materials still occurred in natural wet places (Fontijn 2002, 191). Champion argues that iron survives less well in the ground and is less likely to be recognized during activities such as ploughing or dredging which have led to most of the discoveries of bronze objects. This could have a marked effect on how the bronze-iron transition will manifest in the archaeological record (Champion 1971 in Thomas 1989, 265).
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Dental health in Iron Age Cambodia: temporal variations with rice agriculture.

Dental health in Iron Age Cambodia: temporal variations with rice agriculture.

A further point of difference between Snay and Sophy was the significantly higher levels of violence recorded at Snay (23.4% with cranial trauma compared with only 2.8% at Sophy) (Domett et al., 2011; Domett, pers.comm.). During the development and later establishment of the strongly hierarchical Angkorian state (c. A.D. 800), local control over resources, including water and agricultural land, and commodities for exchange including salt and fish, is likely (Domett et al., 2011; O’Reilly et al., 2006) and may have lead to intercommunity violence. Subsistence practices at Snay may have been affected by the greater social tension in this community and as a result, procurement territories may have been restricted. However, archaeological evidence does indicate a large number and range of wild and domesticated species were available at Snay (O’Reilly et al., 2006). The sample from Sophy is from the later in the Iron Age (AD 100-600) compared with Snay (350 BC to AD 200) and perhaps socio- political changes were now in place with increased control and less violence. Additionally, Sophy is approximately 40kms west of Snay, further from the eventual centre of the Angkorian polity, and may have been less exposed to its influences. However both Sophy and Snay were on the ancient road to Angkor, between the expansion of Angkorian influence in northeast Thailand and the city of Angkor in northwest Cambodia.
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Oss-Ijsselstraat: Iron Age graves and a native Roman settlement

Oss-Ijsselstraat: Iron Age graves and a native Roman settlement

In a number of cases the pottery found in pits and postholes had to be regarded as intrusive, since the majority of the finds from the same pits dated from the Iron Age or the Roman period. Some of these postholes were even thought to have contained the roof supports of a house from the Roman period (House 6). Only two pits could be dated to the Late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age (fig. 5). Their contents included rusticated ware {potbeaker) and barbed wire beaker sherds (fig. 4). A flint arrowhead with surface retouch, which was picked up as a surface find, was also dated to the Late Neolithic. lts tip and one of the two barbs were broken.
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Mobility and diet  in Neolithic, Bronze Age and Iron Age Germany : evidence from multiple isotope analysis

Mobility and diet in Neolithic, Bronze Age and Iron Age Germany : evidence from multiple isotope analysis

In Central Europe, the Iron Age began with the gradual replacement of bronze metallurgy with iron around 800 BC. Although bronze remained an important metal for prestige goods like jewellery, iron became the common raw material for weaponry, ornaments and various household goods (Wells 2002). Iron ores were accessible in many European upland regions, making local production feasible where previously copper and tin had to be imported. Nevertheless, the trade of metal objects and prestige goods such as glass was an important component of cultural life in Iron Age Europe and communities maintained regular contact (Stary 1993; Wells 2008). In Germany, the Iron Age is represented by the Hallstatt (Ha C-D) and La Tène culture. These cultures established prominent centres of production and political influence, the so called ‘princely sites’ or ‘chiefly seats’ (in German Fürstensitze), which are commonly characterized by hill forts and massive burial constructions, containing luxury goods from the Mediterranean. They can be considered the first step to urbanism, whereas the sedentary population lived in small scale farmsteads or hamlets. While subsistence in Iron Age Germany was similar to the foregone Neolithic and Bronze Age, the introduction of iron ploughs and scythes allowed for a more efficient cultivation of richer soils, and thus supplying more people with smaller farms (Wells 2002). Moreover, isotope data suggests that millet became an especially important crop at least in parts of Central Europe (Murray and Schoeninger 1988). Although isotope research on Iron Age Germany is limited, I briefly present the previous work below.
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Microscopic study on some Iron Age bronze objects from Western Iran

Microscopic study on some Iron Age bronze objects from Western Iran

The variety of tin content proves that the objects have not been made by a particular alloy proportion to reach a homogenous bronze composition such as adding a dis- tinct amount of tin to copper and melting them, but an uncontrolled process is used to produce tin bronze alloy, such as co-smelting, cementation, recycling or smelt- ing copper-tin containing ores [3, 12, 19, 20]. The vari- ability of tin content is commonplace in the study of the Iron Age bronze objects of Iran, especially in Luristan bronzes. Results of analysis of different bronze objects from Luristan show that there was no specified proce- dure to control the alloy composition in the manufac- tured bronzes in that time [8, 10, 12]. Nevertheless, each of the processes may have been used for the bronze pro- duction in these Iron Age bronze artefacts.
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Late Bronze Age and Iron Age pottery in the Shetland Isles : a synopsis of design, construction methods and typological trends

Late Bronze Age and Iron Age pottery in the Shetland Isles : a synopsis of design, construction methods and typological trends

The fact the sherds from Clickhimin examined in this study have grass tempering endorses Fojut’s argument that these sherds are of Late MIA to LIA date. Most of Hamilton’s ‘fort’ pottery was from outside the ring wall in a deep midden rather that occupation layers of the supposed farmstead or fort. Smith’s recent investigation reveals that Hamilton’s ‘Iron Age farmstead’ or pre-broch roundhouse is indeed a modern structure. Hamilton supposed a stone built spur on the north wall of the broch was the remnants of a roundhouse, but Smith has scrutinised photographs taken by George Washington Wilson in the 1890s and detailed drawings made by antiquarian Sir Henry Dryden in 1866, showing no such spur visible. What Hamilton recorded was most likely built by MacLean’s workmen between 1909 and 1910 to prop up the structure (Smith 2015: 12). The deep midden, so rich in pottery, had probably built up over the centuries during and after the occupation of the broch, the inhabitants obviously throwing their waste material over the ring wall that surrounded the broch settlement.
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Tepe Yalfan: A Newly-Found Iron Age III site on ‎the Hamedan Plain

Tepe Yalfan: A Newly-Found Iron Age III site on ‎the Hamedan Plain

Tepe Yalfan, located near Hamedan, can be considered as one of the major sites of the Iron Age III period. It contains the remains of a brick wall in close correspondence to the slope of the mound, and also, a potential platform with buttressing in western trench. The dimensions of the bricks are consistent with those recovered from contemporaneous sites. However, limited excavation did not allow for a full characterization the architectural features of the mound. The potsherds recovered from the two seasons of rescue excavation, based on the paste colors, manufacturing style (wheel or hand-made), slip, and temper could be classified in 3 categories of buff, grey, and buff cooking wares. The buffware itself could be classified from the quality viewpoint in 3 categories of coarse, medium, and fine; among which the two latter are more common. The greywares are similar to the buff in their forms, which may indicate local production. Not just at Yalfan, but also at other contemporaneous sites the co-occurrence of grey and buffwares could be identified, which is evidence of the continuation of the traditions of earlier periods (greyware).
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An interdisciplinary tillage erosion experiment: establishing a field in grassland with reconstructed ard plough of the Bronze Age-Iron Age

An interdisciplinary tillage erosion experiment: establishing a field in grassland with reconstructed ard plough of the Bronze Age-Iron Age

ABSTRACT. Despite recognising the role of tillage erosion in landforms evolution, little research has documented its effects in prehistoric times. Herein, an interdisciplinary archaeological-geomorphological experiment with reconstructed tillage tools and management was conducted in order to measure tillage erosion when a new field in grasslands was established in the Bronze Age-Iron Age. Three wooden ards were reconstructed based on archaeological findings. They were tested in a cross-tillage experiment, consisting of a tillage pass perpendicular to the primary slope (6.5-9.7%), and a second tillage pass parallel to the primary slope of a convex-convex ridge with mowed grass (0.2 m high, vegetation cover >90%). The standard sole ard proved to be the most effective, with a mean tillage depth of ~0.12 m, a mean tillage speed of 3.8 km h -1 , and a mean distance between furrows of 0.20-0.25 m. Only 13% of
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The end of the Sheep Age: people and animals in the late Iron Age

The end of the Sheep Age: people and animals in the late Iron Age

One very important aspect of zooarchaeological analysis that has been neglected for the Iron Age is the examination of the size and shape of the animals, which can be so informative about cultural contact, intro- ductions, and farming intensification. At Danebury a full biometrical study was not undertaken, but preliminary information indicates no change in cattle size over time and only a slight decrease in sheep size (Grant 1991); no comments are provided about pig size over time. Maltby (1996, 22) also believes that cattle were subject to no improvement throughout the Iron Age. The information from most sites (see Fig. 3) is, however, frustratingly approximate in terms of chronology, hampering any opportunity to clarify the question of whether there were any attempts to improve livestock, perhaps triggered by the economic and social changes that were taking place in the Later Iron Age. A frequent comment in reports on Late Iron Age sites is that the livestock was of a small size (e.g. at Burgh, Dragonby, Skeleton Green), but this is an area where more work is badly needed.
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Health and society in Southeast Asia: the transition from the late Bronze Age to Iron Age

Health and society in Southeast Asia: the transition from the late Bronze Age to Iron Age

The Iron Age has been characterised by an increase in social stress and conflict, seen in the numerous iron weapons (Sorensen, 1973), population increase and a hierarchical social system (O'Reilly, 2001). Power and, by association, warfare is often supposed to be a feature of a stratified community. Warfare may have occurred during the Iron Age, especially in later phases. This is evident at the site of Phum Snay. Swords and daggers were found in association with male burials, including a cache of projectile points in one grave (O'Reilly et al., 2006). The skeletons found at Phum Snay exhibit high levels of interpersonal violence compared to other sites in Southeast Asia, which is indicative of an increasing trend towards social friction in the development of larger, regional polities (Domett et al., 2011). Some evidence of inter-personal violence, which may be interpreted as warfare, includes bones with cut marks, blunt force trauma to the crania and fractures to the lower arms. By examining both the excavated skeletal sample and the unprovenanced material at Phum Snay, Domett et al. (2011) found many incidences of cranial trauma. Over 60% of males and 30% of females had evidence of blunt or sharp force trauma to the crania. Most were not perimortem (Domett et al., 2011). This, along with the weaponry found in the site, suggests that conflict was common, much more so than occurred in contemporaneous populations in northeast Thailand. Generally, indications of trauma at Noen U-Loke are low, although the condition of the bones is poor. An older female at Noen U-Loke suffered cranial trauma (Tayles, 2003), possibly indicative of inter-personal violence.
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Late Iron Age archaeology in Romania and the politics of the past

Late Iron Age archaeology in Romania and the politics of the past

The indicator used to establish ethnicity is material culture. When it comes to the Late Iron Age, as soon as an object is taken out of the ground it receives an ethnic label (e.g. Geto-Dacian, Celtic, Thracian, Greek, Roman, Scythian, Sarmatian etc.). These labels are then deployed when referring to different archaeological features (e.g. house, grave, temple), sites (e.g. settlement, fortification, cemetery) and ultimately all aspects of human life (e.g. society, religion, culture). Consequently almost anything can be described as Geto-Dacian. A brief survey of mainstream archaeological literature on the Late Iron Age of Romania resulted in the following terms which are strongly associated with the epithet Getic/Dacian or Geto-Dacian (e.g. Dacian cup, Geto-Dacian priests, Geto-Dacian civilization, Dacian life etc.): archaeological discoveries (descoperiri arheologice), culture (cultură), material culture (cultură materială), pottery (ceramică), including individual types such as fruit-bowl (fructieră), cup (ceaşcă), plate (farfurie), bowl (bol) etc., vessels (vase), gold (aur), silver (argint), treasure/hoard (tezaur), jewellery (podoabe), fibula (fibulă), house (casă), sanctuary (sanctuar), burial (mormânt), wall (zid), settlement (aşezare), fortress/fortification (fortăreaţă/fortificaţie), citadel (cetate), military architecture (arhitectura militară), vestiges (vestigii), [stratigraphic] level (nivel), traces (urme), art (artă), centre (centru), political structure (structură politică), state (stat), kingdom (regat), royal institution (regalitatea), tribes (triburi), communities (comunităţi), aristocracy (aristocraţie), warrior (războinic), priests (preoţi), traders (negustori), [iron or silver] smiths (argintari/fierari), artisans (artizani), agriculturist (agricultor), civilisation (civilizaţie), society (societate), family (familie), period (perioadă), époque (epocă), territory (teritoriu), earth (pământ), habitat (habitat), environment (mediu), ethnic space (spaţiu etnic), world (lume), beliefs (credinţe), religion (religie), mythology (mitologie), life (viaţa), [human] representations (reprezentări umane), character (caracter), agriculture (agricultură) and ploughing (arat).
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