Taking this together, the implementation of training vou- chers and certification is likely to differ across employment agencies. The employment agencies themselves decide how much of their budget they will spend on further training, which results in a certain number of vouchers being awar- ded to unemployed individuals. A voucher is only awarded if two stringent requirements are met: there has to be de- mand for the specific qualification on the labor market and the unemployed person must need this training in order to get back into employment. Therefore, the award of a vou- cher is a matter of discretion. The decision about the number of vouchers to be awarded may depend upon several more factors. Employment agencies operate under different regio- nal conditions and are faced with a specific composition of their client stock. In addition, it is likely that caseworkers and managers at localemployment agencies react in accordance with their sentiments and attitudes towards the reform of the policy instrument.
Most empirical studies of local labour markets in geography have been based on upon delimiting travel-to-work areas, or assessing local job search strategies, frequently in a largely technical way. 2 While attempting to draw fixed boundaries around travel-to-work areas creates one set of difficulties, there is also a theoretical problem inherent in the use of such a strategy: it assumes that space is a container, “within which a set of generalised processes operate, largely unaffected by their spatial context.” (Peck, 1989a, 44). Further, Peck contends that the use of the travel- to-work area does not assist in the conceptualisation of the relationship between space and labour market segmentation. We must account for the ways in which divisions of gender, ethnicity, and skill, for example, will shape different local labour markets for different groups of people. Peck’s argument is that labour market segmentation acts to “‘slice up’ local labour markets, undermining their internal coherence to a potentially debilitating degree,” and he therefore turns to look at the ways in which labour markets might be segmented in locally-specific ways (Peck, 1989a, 49).
In recent years, China’s higher education reform is unceasing, and the higher education is from “elite” to “popularization”, which results in the fast rise in number of college stu- dents. Furthermore, at present overall employment situation in China is grim, especially the college students’ employment status, which is influenced by the world economic downturn. Meanwhile, because the production department of labor demand has reduced greatly, a large number of layoffs and downsizing problems in a lot of enterprises, factory bankruptcy increase the social pressure of surplus labor, and this problem is still very prominent in recent years. On the other hand, since 1999 extensive enrollment expansion How to cite this paper: Bi, X. and Guo, Z.J.
To gain further insight into the organisational features that determine the success of an institution, we are able to use a unique dataset on the major organisational char- acteristics of all job centres. Many organisational features are not unique to one of the two institutions, but can be found in either ALPs or JLAs. Thus, our dataset allows us to shed some light on the factors that determine a success- ful institution. We find that unemployment benefit II recip- ients in regions where job centres use a generalised case management approach have a higher job finding probability compared to unemployment benefit II recipients in regions where job centres use a specialised case management ap- proach. ALPs predominantly use the more successful gener- alised case management approach while JLAs primarily use a specialised case management approach. Moreover, ALPs mostly have their own vacancy recruitment service while JLAs frequently use the vacancy recruitment service of the local public employment service that is also responsible for unemployment benefit I recipients. In addition, ALPs more often use an integrated matching approach, where the va- cancy recruitment service generally communicates new va- cancies to case managers and does not primarily match un- employment benefit II recipients and job vacancies on its own. Both measures that are primarily used by ALPs are positively correlated with higher job finding rates.
In the United States, employment rates among individuals with disabilities are persistently low but vary substantially. In this study, we examine the relationship between employment outcomes and features of the state and county physical, economic, and policy environment among a national sample of individuals with disabilities. To do so, we merge a set of state- and county- level environmental variables with data from the 2009–2011 American Community Survey accessed in a U.S. Census Research Data Center. We estimate regression models of employment, work hours, and earnings as a function of health conditions, personal characteristics, and these environmental features. We find that certain environmental variables are significantly associated with employment outcomes. Although the estimated importance of environmental variables is small relative to individual health and personal characteristics, our results suggest that these variables may present barriers or facilitators to employment that can explain some geographic variation in employment outcomes across the United States.
This thesis would not exist if not for the commitment of my research subjects: the Committee of Management, Executive Officer and staff of the Smart Geelong Region Local Learning and Employment Network. Throughout my candidature I have enjoyed their trust and hospitality; they have willingly committed themselves to my project from its inception and I am indebted to them. Most particularly, I must acknowledge the sustained input of Anne-Marie Ryan, Executive Officer. Acknowledgment is due also to the Australian Research Council Linkage Project team at the Faculty of Education, Deakin University. In particular, Professor Jill Blackmore as my Principal Supervisor has been a perceptive and concise guide, her sharp critique always framed with a rich vein of good humour and conveying confidence in my ability and judgment. Dr Jennifer Angwin, my Associate Supervisor, has kept close to me throughout these three years, a continuous source of encouragement as she has carefully nurtured my development and watched out for my wellbeing. Alongside my supervisors I have had the good fortune to work closely with Dr Lyn Harrison and Associate Professor Geoff Shacklock who have provided thoughtful feedback when I have sought advice and have contributed their expertise and experience to my becoming-academic. Finally, Phillip Hodder, our Research Assistant, has been my friend, co-worker and coffee-buddy. Many of the ideas expressed in this thesis were initially tested in discussion with this team; it has been a rich and privileged context for which I am grateful.
Recently, FDI becomes one of the few ways in which low level income countries can access capital for development and growth and subsequent poverty alleviation. The paper provided some analytical insights into the issue by presenting a brief overview of some of the important channels, in particular, FDI and the impact of its interaction with local financial markets and human development on economic growth of low income countries in comparison with upper middle and OECD countries. True, there is no simple mechanism for achieving low level of poverty and FDI is in itself no panacea, but the interaction between FDI and other variables could emerge as tool to benefit of that integration in terms of employment and income generation and poverty alleviation in poor countries.
this identification strategy relies on the fact that a local shock affects only some areas and not others. For example, this is the identification strategy followed by Einiö and Overman (2016) and Criscuolo et al. (2018). This approach is appealing, as it solves the problem of the presence of spillovers among firms, directly considering the effects on the territory. However, even this approach is based on strong identification assumptions. First, it is assumed that the unnoticed features that affect employment variation are ‘smoothly’ modified in space. In fact, there may be situations where the presence of physical constraints has a significant influence on market access (labor and product). This is particularly true at the municipality level, where rivers, roads, and other elements of the territory shape the space. This explains why many multiplier evaluation jobs, such as ours, use a fine grid, such as the LLMs. Moreover, the presence of spillovers, which in these models becomes particularly important, must be modeled, often with ad hoc assumptions. Another hypothesis often included in these works is that the size of the intervention does not affect the magnitude of the multiplier, that is, the relationship between the policy and its effects is linear. This hypothesis must also be empirically tested.
Table 6,6. The measures brought some vehicles such as four-wheel drives within the Plan, changed duty rates and adjusted import quotas. An import quota totalling 110,000 vehicles provided for a 22 per cent market share for imports. Plan manufacturers were allocated import quotas. Additional quotas were available through tender. All quotas would be phased down over the terra of the Plan. Access to quotas for 'Plan Producers’ were subject to review in the light of their demonstrated commitment to rationalisation. Those producers withdrawing from local production would gain a special import quota. Local content requirements remained at a high level but Plan Producers were allowed to to gain duty-free imports for components and CBUs. Imported content measurement was tightened by moving from 'duty free into store cost’ to ’customs value for duty’. Vehicles produced for one company by another would be included in the former’s own production figures. Opportunities for transfer pricing were to be countered by stricter requirements for information disclosure and Ministerial discretion to refuse duty free entry and impose penalty duties of up to 150 per cent. Export facilitation, whereby credits are gained to be offset against the local content requirements, were to be gradually increased. An Automotive Industry Authority was to' be established to monitor and offer guidance to Plan Producers. Grants up to SA150 million for local IR&D were provided. Worker re-training was promoted through the extension of Special Adjustment Assistance [13.
Looking first at the impact of tradable on non-tradable we see clear evidence that, at least in the short run, increases in tradable employment in the UK have the opposite effect to that identified by Moretti (2010) for the US. Results from the contribution of durables appear roughly comparable, while results for the impact of non-durables once again show the opposite pattern to that of the US. Consistent with our conceptual framework (and with our priors) this suggests that a much lower elasticity of labour supply in Britain has important implications for the multiplier effect from tradable employment. In Britain, when tradable private sector employment increases, low labour supply elasticity means that this increase in employment tends to crowd out other local private sector employment. In the US, in contrast, expanding tradable private sector employment also expands non-tradable private sector employment. We can identify two plausible candidates that may explain this lower elasticity of labour supply. The first is that labour market rigidities (e.g. a more generous benefit system) may directly lower the elasticity. The second is that Britain’s highly restrictive planning system indirectly lowers labour elasticity by preventing the building of new homes which would allow the overall size of the labour force to respond to positive labour demand shocks (see Hilber and Vermeulen, 2012). Distinguishing between these two explanations on the basis of the data we have available to us is not possible and is left for further work.
With respect to sex, there are some literature deduced that FDI appears regularly to be a key source of employment for women in developing countries. With this, Jenkins and Thomas (2002) stress that the implications for poverty alleviation are important. Cotton and Ramachandran ( 2001) give the reason for this, based on their research, which has shown that the earnings of women are most often allocated to improving the health and nutritional well-being of their children, and any increase of women‘s employment and/or increases of their wages are likely to improve the quality of life in households in which women work. This goes hand in hand with Barro-Becker (1989) and Becker, Murphy and Tamura (1990).