Political Processes

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A theory of constitutional change    Game theoretical analysis of socio political processes in Poland, 1976 81

A theory of constitutional change Game theoretical analysis of socio political processes in Poland, 1976 81

This explanatory strategy has several advantages. First, it enables us to explain long processes by analytical models. Such a dynamic approach which considers transformations of the game through processes can contribute to public choice theory where any event is separately explained by static models. A similar dynamic approach is suggested by Tsebelis (1990), Chong (1991) and Colomer (1995). They analyze socio­ political processes as a sequence of games between various sections of society. Secondly, a game-like analysis simplifies the description of complex situations. It also differentiates between major and marginal factors pointing to the factor that broadly explains behaviour. Thirdly, a detailed process-analysis which considers ’sociological’ and structural factors enables accurate modelling of the players’ preferences and their strategic orientations at each point in time. By following this explanatory strategy we can find causal relations between individuals’ actions and new political rules. Such causal relations are harder to find using simple descriptive historical or comparative approaches.
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Decision analysis and political processes

Decision analysis and political processes

Taking this line of argument, what are the implications for the practice of decision analysis? Firstly, if its role is to clarify the different perspectives on an issue to inform the political processes, we need to recognise those political processes within our conception of decision analysis. In Figure 2 we recognised that if we are to inform individuals, we should recognise that they seldom act fully in accord with the Bayesian paradigm. We had to acknowledge that System 1 Thinking might lead them to quick, but in retrospect ill-judged responses during elicitation and a poor, superficial understanding of the conclusions of the analysis. Interactions within decision analysis are designed to help the decision-maker move from instinctive System 1 Thinking to more explicit, rational System 2 Thinking. Similarly, to support societal decisions, decision analysts need to recognise potential tensions between informal societal discussion and more formal debate conducted within political structures laid down by the constitution. To emphasise this, we suggest the following terminology (Argyris and French, 2017):
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Effect of Political Processes on Demographic Development of Georgia

Effect of Political Processes on Demographic Development of Georgia

Civil war in 1991-1992 had especially negative influence on demographic development of the country which made active separatist movements in the autonomous republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Due to the above mentioned political processes the number of population decreased from 5, 45 million till 4, 93 million i.e. by 520 thousand-9, 6% (on average 260, 5 thousand in a year) in 1992-1994. 40 thousand people were sacrificed only in Abkhazia conflict, a part remained in the separatist regions of Abkhazia and Samachablo (South Ossetia) and some part (Russians, Ukrainians, Greeks, Jews) was emigrated. The negative balance of migration was 422800 people in the mentioned period. It should be admitted that the dynamic of population in an internal regional viewpoint used to be going in a different way. Namely, Kakheti, Kvemo Kartli and mountainous regions were less affected by the political processes.
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Women’s Participation in Political Processes in Kenya: The Case  of Nyamira County 1963-2013

Women’s Participation in Political Processes in Kenya: The Case of Nyamira County 1963-2013

political. Women were left out to perform domestic duties. Therefore, the division of labour that the colonialists introduced reflected a gender gap, which was not resolved at independence. Europeans also tried to force the natives to discard their valued traditions. For instance, the missionaries wanted the Gusii women to do away with clitoridectomy and polygamy, which the Gusii considered a fabric of their culture that could not be discarded. This resulted into antagonism between the missionaries and the Gusii who rioted against what they considered an abuse to their customs. The missionaries on the other hand refused to offer training to the circumcised girls. The study however established that Gusii continued practicing their customs. In early 1900s led by the Gusii prophetess Moraa Ng’iti, the Gusii revolted against the whitemen in which she was arrested. Moraa was severely reprimanded and set free due to her advanced age. This action must be seen as an attempt to reassert Gusii administration against colonialism. During these revolts Nyamira women actively participated by providing food and medicine to the injured warriors. Their participation in these independence struggles however did not change their status and they therefore remained marginalized by men in the society. It has also been observed that Nyamira women just like other women elsewhere in Africa did not welcome the European concept of patriarchalism and Victorianism. Most of them continued trading with their neighbours in the locality as well as with other communities including the Luo and the Kipsigis. The study has finally established that by the time Kenya was gaining independence, these women had organized themselves into welfare groups. Colonial administrators’ wives had also started the MYWO, which most Gusii women rejected due to its association with colonialism.
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Micro political processes in a multinational corporation subsidiary:a postcolonial reading of restructuring in a sales department

Micro political processes in a multinational corporation subsidiary:a postcolonial reading of restructuring in a sales department

Nevertheless, the possibilities offered by the third space are constrained and shaped according to geo-political histories, privileged narratives, discourses and ‘mimicry’. These features help to explain how the colonised is disciplined and becomes complicit in relations that limit their agency (Boussebaa and Brown, 2017; Varman and Saha, 2009). Constructed ‘facts’ outline how groups are to articulate and know themselves in particular ways and as homogeneous groups (Özkazanç- Pan, 2008). One potent vehicle in the construction and transmission of ‘fact’ is the grand narrative of (western) development, progress and improvement (Cooke, 2003). The developmental promise of such a narrative places obligations of participation on both the coloniser and colonised whilst proscribing the nature of the relationship between the two (Jack and Westwood, 2006). Development for the colonised involves the adoption of western practices and mimicry of the western ways of being that are narrated as ways of overcoming backwardness. However, mimicry is only ever partial and its imperfect outcome has the effect of sustaining international structures and hierarchy – the colonised becomes “almost the same but not quite” (Bhabha, 1994, p. 89).
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Leadership and social cleavages : political processes among the Indians in Labasa, Fiji Islands

Leadership and social cleavages : political processes among the Indians in Labasa, Fiji Islands

iii CONTENTS Page v List of Tables List of Diagrams and Map s vi vii Introduction CHAPTER ONE: LABASA: CHAPTER TWO: RURAL GROUPINGS: LEADER CHAPTER THREE: CHAPTER FOUR: CHAPTER FIVE: 1 T[r]

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Values and green politics : a rhetorical interpretation of the role of values in green political processes

Values and green politics : a rhetorical interpretation of the role of values in green political processes

So, in this form ulation the party constitutes only a p a rt or section of the m ovem ent, not a com plete representation of the range of activists that constitute the w hole green m ovem ent. Likewise, the p arty cannot be considered as a complete political expression of the m ovem ent according to other criteria. According to Lewis, ’there is no w ay that a green party can be form ed that has exclusive control of green political ideas' (Lewis 1991 d). This strategy for supporting proscription, how ever, is just as problem atic because it underm ines a different source of norm ative legitim acy for the p arty, nam ely its p o rtray al as a m anifestation of alternative political ratio n ality . The projection of the p a rty as 'a' (as o p p o sed to 'the') m anifestation of green principles m akes for m uch w eaker claim s to norm ative legitim acy, especially w hen there are other greens w ho claim adherence to the same rationality but are not, for w hatever reasons, part of the sam e organisation. Furtherm ore, the adm ission th at the m em bership scope of the p a rty differs from th at of the m ov em en t suggests the possibility that the p arty is not the same as the m ovem ent. This opens another rich vein of rhetorical possibility for opponents of proscription. A more exclusive party is an actor capable of acting out of self-interest, rather than in the universalistic interests of the m ovem ent as a whole. If the proposed party cannot possibly represent the m ovem ent in its entirety, the door was well and truly open for Sue Bolton, an opponent of proscription to argue the following.
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The Political Processes and Role Of Gatekeepers in Setting Accounting Standards for Agriculture

The Political Processes and Role Of Gatekeepers in Setting Accounting Standards for Agriculture

Young (1994) suggested reasons to consider accounting standard changes in this context – and others have offered similar comments. Young’s first suggestion was to examine the participants in the standard-setting process. That is, not only the international standard- setting body itself but also its client country standard setters along with other external participants involved, such as lobbyists, auditors, users and preparers of financial statements. Even so, only notional recognition seems to be given to private sector ‘users’ of the information (Young, 2006), or in the public sector (Hay, 1994). However, Beresford (1993) expressed his frustration that users were not more active in FASB processes particularly as they are ‘expert on what information would be most useful to them and why’. He identified two possible reasons:
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Kinship and gender as political processes among the Miskitu of eastern Nicaragua

Kinship and gender as political processes among the Miskitu of eastern Nicaragua

Throughout Lowland South America, ethnographers repeatedly report that discourses of harmony are vitally important Often enough this has been overlooked by anthropologists, who have tended to see this as a function of the fact that political organisation in these societies is weak, and the potential for political turmoil therefore insignificant. In fact as Overing Kaplan (1975: 53), Clastres (1989) and Belaunde (1992: 13) have noted, political life among Lowland South American Indians, typically manifest in affinal relations, is potentially very turbulent, and therefore great efforts in many of these societies are made to ensure that peace rather than conflict reigns. For many of the Guiana Indians, for example, the notion of a distinct category of affines is so potentially fraught, that great efforts are made to marry genealogically close kin, and reinvent affines as consanguineal kin; in these societies special relationship terms for affines, as opposed to affinables, are few, while teknonyms (which cloak affinity in ambiguities) are many (e.g. Rivifcre 1969 and 1984: 67-71; Overing 1975; Thomas 1982).58 Other groups such as the Miskitu's neighbours, the Rama, and the Tsimanes of Bolivia, manage structural fault lines caused by affinity by neolocality and repeated visits between wife's parents and groom's parents,59 and take great care not to show favoritism between either group (Loveland 1975: 8-9; Rebecca Ellis: personal communication). For the Ge and Bororo societies the affinal relations are handled by a plethora of cosmologically organised institutions which to a considerable extent determine proper marriages (e.g. Maybury-Lewis 1976 and 1979; Crocker 1985). Finally, for the Cubeo and the Tukanoan Indians of the Northwest Amazon strict settlement exogamy ensures that affines are kept at arm's length (e.g. Goldman 1979 [1963]; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971; Jackson 1983). Marriages are organised by institutionalised forms of wife-capture, and male domination cosmologically legitimated by supposedly phallocentric cults of sacred trumpets (e.g. Hugh-Jones 1979; see also Murphy 1956: 429).60 In sum South American Indians, like the Miskitu and Sumu, spend a great deal of energy involved in practices which seem designed specifically to accommodate affines.
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Livia De Tommasi; Dafne Jazmin Velazco, Transformations in Community Associations and Political Processes in a Rio de Janeiro “Favela”

Livia De Tommasi; Dafne Jazmin Velazco, Transformations in Community Associations and Political Processes in a Rio de Janeiro “Favela”

A first question concerns the nature of the conflict. For Machado da Silva, the conflicts addressed by the associations that were created in the favelas in previous decades were related to the issue of land ownership: access to housing, urban infrastructure and facilities, access to the city. In recent years, the activities of both the Agency (the program Rio Ecosol and the Community Bank) as well as that of Innovation Pole, in the Cidade de Deus, are aimed at what they define as economic development of the territory. Development is a polysemic term that adapts to multiple interpretations. The analysis of the term goes beyond the purpose and limits of this article. In this case, the programs in question seek to promote access to wealth through promotion and increase of commercial and entrepreneurial activities and access to credit. In this sense, our first affirmation is that there is considerable continuity between the actions of the Innovation Pole and the Agency. In contrast, the questions related to urbanization (both the construction and occupation of new housing projects, as well as removal of housing) are currently not the object of demands. As we have mentioned, the last time that local leaders were involved in the administration of a housing project they entered a web of complex relations, which involved negotiating with different agents, even with the “traffic”, and the internal conflicts that resulted from this significantly weakened the attempt at collective organization. In name of “partnership”, the political agents from the state let fall on the shoulders of local leaders part of the responsibility for the management of the process (without, however, giving up control of important elements, such as the contracting of and negotiating with the builder responsible for the construction) the success of which was inevitably polemical.
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The Psychological Imperative in Political Processes in Nigeria

The Psychological Imperative in Political Processes in Nigeria

Man is a complex being. He is not only a physical being, but also an ethical, spiritual, psychological, metaphys- ical, social and political being among others. Thus, all academic disciplines exist to demystify the being of man, empowering him to dominate his environment and assisting him to live a life of happiness. It is therefore impor- tant to state that no discipline can be subsumed under any other since all have their relevance in demystifying the being of man in one area or the other. And none should be given a magisterial position over the other. How- ever, in this paper, we focus on the political and the psychological dimensions of man.
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Conceptualizing and Measuring the Political Salience of EU Legislative Processes

Conceptualizing and Measuring the Political Salience of EU Legislative Processes

Salience is a key concept in several distinct literatures on EU politics and policy- making. It plays a key role in studies of public opinion and voting in the EU. Early on, some studies suggested that EU policies are bound to be of low salience to citizens (Moravcsik 2002). According to this argument, some policy areas (education, health care, pensions, taxation and so on) intrinsically are of higher salience to citizens than other policy areas. Since EU competences for these policy areas are limited, the EU as such and its policies are thought to be of little importance to citizens. More recently, several studies challenged this static perspective on the salience of EU policies and politics by stressing that competing elites can try to increase or limit the salience of EU issues to citizens and in elections. De Vries (2007), for example, focuses on the role of national parties with an extreme position on the left-right dimension in increasing the salience of the EU. Others mainly see populist right- wing parties as the drivers of the increasing salience of the EU for citizens (Hooghe and Marks 2009; Hutter and Grande 2014). Oppermann (2008) also argues that political elites try to defuse or intensify the salience of the EU for public opinion in the United Kingdom. The salience that political issues have for citizens, in turn, has been seen as having broad effects for political processes. Low-salience of EU issues, for example, may explain low turnout in European Parliament elections (Clark 2014). Hooghe and Marks (2009) argue that the increasing salience of and increasing conflict over the European integration process has led to a slowing down of the integration process.
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Political Economy, Political Ecology, and Democratic Socialism

Political Economy, Political Ecology, and Democratic Socialism

Nonetheless, his overall strategic recommendations for a democratic transition to democratic socialism comprised a threefold combination of struggles within the state to modify the balance of forces, struggles to transform the state to make it more accessible to popular forces and to weaken the structurally-inscribed selectivities of the existing state apparatus, and struggles at a distance from the state to modify the internal balance of forces and polarize them towards a radical transformation. In addition, he offered specific recommendations about the appropriate form of state for democratic socialism – one based on a judicious combination of direct democracy and representative democracy in which the economic and political logic of each moderated the tendencies towards failure of the other. Indeed, Poulantzas emphasized the ‘irreducible tension’ between direct democracy and representative democracy (1978b: 177, italics in original; cf. 1978a). Thus, as he noted elsewhere, direct democracy runs the risk of factory [or enterprise] egoism and parochialism and could also fail because of limited resources and lack of support from the centre; similarly, both organized labour movements as well as social movements without ties to organized labour run in equal measure the risk of being absorbed into the networks of the state. 4
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Political crisis and political ethic in the  global age

Political crisis and political ethic in the global age

Political condition in Indonesia is beyond imagination of Indonesian itself. They perceive that Indonesia’s politic is a something that politicians do for a living, or that they will do to get their favored position and power. They may sacrifice things to get what they want and it is done by all necessary means. The government indeed finds difficulty to represent the aspiration of citizens. Most Indonesians grieve about the lack of welfare. People feel helpless without assistance of government, and the welfare is still far from being satisfactory. If people perceive that politic is bad, it is because the government fails to perform the duty as the representative of people. For Indonesian, politic is a self-interest based way reach the power or a nasty way to obtain something. For instance, the civil officers in the House of People Representatives have a good salary but this salary does not match with what they do in the work program for the people. They are only worsening the poverty of people especially when they commit corruption. Such negligence shall betray justice with the spread out of poverty through Indonesia. There are few fundamental suggestions to produce a more reliable political system. In relation with the application of political ethic to Indonesia, some are given as follows.
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1.    Political Bloggers and the Personalisation of Political Participation

1.    Political Bloggers and the Personalisation of Political Participation

Through blogging, these bloggers were able to highlight their personal contribution to politics and in the process saw themselves as important citizens. The phrase “the centre of politics” refer to how the bloggers were able to not only see themselves as participative citizens but also as agenda-setters and decision-makers. In this sense, the bloggers focused on their ability to highlight the issues that they cared about and pushed these issues onto the political agendas of their blog readers. Essentially, agenda setting is a traditional and well-accepted function of the mass media, and the experience of these activist bloggers indicates that agenda setting can also be realised by citizens who have the ability to connect directly with the mass media, political elites and the general public. A core assertion in the agenda-setting theory is that media attention to specific “objects” (e.g., issues, politicians, organizations, activists) in the news leads to increased public concern with these same objects. The transfer of object salience from one agenda to another has come to be known as “first-level” agenda-setting (McCombs, 2004). Agendas consist of not only a set of objects but the attributes that are chosen by communicators to describe and define these objects. Expressed another way, the media not only may tell the public “what to think about” (object salience) but also may influence “how to think about” (attribute salience) those objects. This transfer of attribute salience is identified as “second-level” agenda- setting (McCombs, 2004). Through blogging, the bloggers in this study claimed that they were able to inform their readers about pressing issues and through deliberate and careful analysis, the bloggers could even directly influence how their readers interpret and understand the issues. In these situations, the bloggers can be said to have adopted both the first and second levels of agenda-setting. These bloggers were able to highlight specific issues and when those issues caught the attention of a number of readers including politicians and authorities, the bloggers situated themselves at the centre of the discourse, managing and navigating how the issue was presented and accepted. If having the authoritative voice gave the bloggers a sense of ownership over issues and allowed them to act as the opinion leaders, being at the centre of politics gave the bloggers an indication that they could also become agenda- setters and decision-makers.
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Arendt's political theology:from political religion to profanation

Arendt's political theology:from political religion to profanation

However, it is it not the case that Arendt did not draw on this first understanding of totalitarianism. She does that especially in relation to the restriction of the rights and freedoms of the Jews (see Arendt 2003: 33). The point is rather that Arendt is not especially original here. Therefore, her use of the term in the second sense is of particular interest and especially in relation to our discussion of political religion and political theology. In this second sense the concept refers to the notion of self-creation, to the fact that the state, the people or the Führer, is given without reference to anything other than itself. As such, the concept is in tune with what Jean-Luc Nancy would call immanentism (1991: 56-57). Totalitarianism as immanence is the denial of any transcendence, be it in the thinking of the community, the law, obligation or responsibility. Totalitarianism in this prism is an ambition to eradicate everything that cannot be subsumed under a given project, replacing the endless dialectic of history with the notion of a goal that realizes itself in history. Thus, in Nazism, the law of race becomes the measure of everything else; in Stalinism, the laws of history. What we have here is a political-theological understanding of totalitarianism in contrast to the first, more institutional definition.
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Lingnan University Department of Political Science POL3208 Public Policy: Values and Processes Course Schedule and Reading List Term 1,

Lingnan University Department of Political Science POL3208 Public Policy: Values and Processes Course Schedule and Reading List Term 1,

Course Description: This course is a basic introductory course on the public policy-making process and the values underpinning it. It will first touch on the reasons of market failures and the use of public policy. Then, the following topics on policy-making will be covered: stages of public policy-making and policy network, the politics of policy-making and budgeting, and bureaucratic neutrality and political accountability.

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Political parties and political marketing ‘strategies’

Political parties and political marketing ‘strategies’

O‟Shaughnessy, 1990; O‟Shaughnessy and Henneberg, 2002). Research into political marketing of a conceptual and empirical (quantitative and qualitative) standpoint has emerged into four main tracks; (i) studies of the impact of political marketing in terms of electoral choice and opinion (e.g Ben-Ur and Newman, 2002; Cwalina et al, 2004; Newman, 1985; 1987; O‟Cass, 2002; Reeves and de Chernatony, 2003); (ii) studies of political marketing communication techniques and impacts (e.g Dermody and Hanmer-Lloyd, 2005; Harris et al, 2006); (iii) public policy implications and critical discourse in relation to the use of political marketing practices (Banker, 1992; O‟Shaughnessy, 1990; Scammell, 1995), and; (iv) the use of political marketing strategies internally within political parties (O‟Cass, 2001a; Reeves, 2007; Wring, 1997). The research tends to draw from a wide variety of literature to build theory. Whilst the principal literary emphasis of such research is marketing and politics, literature is also commonly used from management theory, economics, psychology etc. Moreover, the research base is becoming increasingly international with
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The “Brand” of Political Party in Political Marketing

The “Brand” of Political Party in Political Marketing

The case study and overall survey says more than 65% of respondents male/female agreed to our questions. In details 77.67 respondents said “Party’s top leaders are the Brand of that party and 78.14 male/female respondents said that they are attract toward the Brand of party, whereas, 69.98% respondents are agreed that the Brand represents ideology, strategy and capability to run Government. At the last according to 79.07 % thought that Political Party’s Brand are responsible to success or loss in Political Marketing. Hence it is concluded, “There is Brand to Political Party and the party uses top leaders as brand of that particular party, it reflects party’s ideology and strategy as well as capability. Also the Party Brand is responsible to win/loss Election; it helps and plays major role in modern concept of Political Marketing.
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Musical Processes as a Metaphor for Conflict Transformation Processes

Musical Processes as a Metaphor for Conflict Transformation Processes

Music is part of every society, but it is not aesthetically isolated, being forever associated with a myriad of extra-musical parameters such as gesture, customs, settings and power relations. It has thus far been difficult for scholars to ascertain just what music accomplishes in the social world, since any analysis ends up being like analyses of other social activities. Despite this, the belief in the special status and power of music proliferates both within the professional musician classes, those who consume music and those with the means to organise social music programmes. Music strongly interacts with memory, identity, emotion and belief (Robertson, 2017), which goes some way to demonstrate how music is believed to have such power regardless of any evidence shown, and this is supported by recent neurological research (Patel, 2010). Conflict transformation, if it is to be successful, requires an understanding of the identity formation processes, since ideally a new shared identity evolving from those involved would emerge. How this process works requires an understanding of how identity belief is related to emotions and memory, and how all these affect behaviour, past, present and future. It has been suggested by a number of international mediators that music and the arts provides a metaphor or amalgam for conflict transformation, albeit in a safer environment (Lederach and Lederach, 2010, p. 206). This paper shows how two choirs, one in Sarajevo and one in London, have approached music as a metaphor for the conflict transformation process.
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