Private Military and Security Force

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The Impact of Mercenaries and Private Military and Security Companies on Civil War Severity between 1946 and 2002

The Impact of Mercenaries and Private Military and Security Companies on Civil War Severity between 1946 and 2002

Against the backdrop of the assumption that PMSCs used force in a restrained manner this result is surprising. One might have expected that they would not increase civil war severity significantly. A potential explanation for this outcome may be, first, that the reputational mechanism fails to restrict the use of force. The reputation mechanism can only restrict force if the customer is interested in the company adhering to the norms of warfare. However, some clients might care more about the effectiveness of the firms and less about the appropriateness of their actions. Others may decide to hire PMSCs because this allows actions that are not possible with regular forces. Furthermore, for the reputation mechanism to work, the customer needs to be able to make a competent choice. If contracting personnel are poorly trained and do not have knowledge of proper vetting standards, this increases the opportunity for PMSCs to behave improperly without getting punished (Avant 2007, 188-189).

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The Privatisation of Violence: An Examination of Private Military and Security Contractors and Their Effect on Sovereignty and Fundamental Rights in a Globalised World

The Privatisation of Violence: An Examination of Private Military and Security Contractors and Their Effect on Sovereignty and Fundamental Rights in a Globalised World

Early societies, therefore, present a series of notable trends in discovering the relationship between coercive violence and power. The authoritarian nature of both the Egyptian and late Roman societies coincided with the use of a private external force in order to maintain control. In both of these societies, these external actors were relied upon as the local population were considered dangerous to the sovereign’s power. Ancient Rome is particularly instructive, within Rome German guards were employed to protect the Emperor, while in the Empire Roman citizens were considered suitable to compel the local population's obedience. The reliance upon external actors to violently enforce the submission of their population indicates that within this societies power was applied with force from the top down. In effect, both Egypt and the Roman Empire were controlled through tyranny. In comparison, Greece, which retained an early form of democratic and accountable leadership, sought to limit the influence of coercive violence within the state, with popular will taking precedence over coercion. Externally, there appears to be similarities between all three societies including a heavy reliance on mercenaries in both defence against external enemies and in geographical expansion . However, there remains a slight difference between Greece and Roma/Egypt. Both Rome and Egypt attempted to maintain a citizen army. For the Egyptians, this was based upon a hierarchical duty, though ultimately this proved insufficient as personal loyalty

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Reframing the anti-mercenary norm: Private military and security companies and mercenarism

Reframing the anti-mercenary norm: Private military and security companies and mercenarism

mercenary norm. Today, however, private military and security companies (PMSCs) are widely perceived as legitimate. How did they achieve that legitimacy? This article argues that PMSCs initially resembled mercenaries. Previously, mercenaries were defined as fighters participating in combat, be it offensive or defensive. PMSC advocates aimed to alter the combat component of the anti-mercenary norm. By arguing that PMSCs’ use of force was not combat, but rather individual self-defence, they created an alternative interpretation which established the practice as appropriate. As critical actors like the United States, the United Kingdom and the United Nations adopted their interpretation, the regulatory scope of the norm changed. In short, PMSCs are perceived to be legitimate because they are no longer implicated in the anti-mercenary norm.

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The political, legal and military implications of outsourcing to private military companies. Egmont Security Policy Brief No. 15, November 2010

The political, legal and military implications of outsourcing to private military companies. Egmont Security Policy Brief No. 15, November 2010

in 2006: “Counterinsurgents that use excessive force to limit near term risk alienate the local populace. They deprive themselves of support or tolerance of the people. This situation is what insurgents want. It increases the threat they pose.” Analysis of the Congressional hearings further reveals that Blackwater and other companies conducted their missions in ways totally opposed to the highest military commander’s intent (coincidentally, General Petraeus at the time) without reneging their contractual obligations. The fact that contractors in the Area of Operations are not under direct control of the military command obviously goes against one of the first principles of military operations — unity of command — and is therefore not only inefficient and dangerous, but unacceptable, if executive accountability is to be achieved at any rate.

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Contracting for Stability: The Potential Use of Private Military Contractors as a United Nations Rapid-Reaction Force

Contracting for Stability: The Potential Use of Private Military Contractors as a United Nations Rapid-Reaction Force

In June 2015, the High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations established by U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and chaired by former East Timor President José Ramos-Horta, published its comprehensive review of U.N. Peacekeeping Operations. The Panel observed that it takes an average of six months from when a peacekeeping mission is authorized by the U.N. Security Council to when the mission is deployed. The Panel further explained that although rapid and effective deployment comes at a cost, responding more quickly saves lives and can avoid a larger, more costly response later. In its request for the Secretary- General to develop options for a new rapid-reaction capability, the Panel suggested evaluating the merits of having a small, standing U.N. force, transferring personnel and assets from other U.N. missions, and instituting national and regional standby arrangements. Each of these options, however, has been available for years, relies heavily on the political will of countries and regional organizations, and has not previously been sufficient to address the requirements of rapid deployment to new missions or crisis situations.

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Public control of private military : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Defence and Strategic Studies), Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand

Public control of private military : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Defence and Strategic Studies), Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand

The Italian condottieri period was the culmination of several hundred years of changing international relations, political, social and military evolutions. Again, the individual amateur soldier sought a professional alternative to the traditional military obligations when fiscal opportunities provided by these evolutions, occurred. Initially, mostly foreign mercenary leaders formed large private military companies to replace the disinterested and inadequate civilian levies. These roving marauders, being in a position of considerable coercive power, plundered much of the Italian peninsula. As time progressed the foreign mercenaries were replaced by a local variety of private military actor who also referenced no higher authority than the successful application of military force. An early opportunity to convene a unified Italian military authority was squandered and subsequently, competing mercenary armies became the norm in security and defence measures for the early Italian Renaissance city-states and communities. This removed civilian participation from their communities’ security processes. Italian political principals and citizens seem to have made an assumption that reliance on contracts alone to engage and disengage the services of their private military agents would be sufficient to influence their behaviour. In the absence of any superior coercive authority, the condottieri were able to manipulate their principals into a subservient position. This saw citizens inclusion in political and administrative functions reduced to supplying their extortionist’s increasing fiscal demands. These circumstances eventually cost the Italians their territorial integrity. The inability of modern civilian military contractors to be effectively coerced by civilian principals through contract or regulation, is likely to see an eventual repeat of this principle/agent reversal if allowed to proceed unchecked.

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Measuring Relative Military Security

Measuring Relative Military Security

hypothetical figures of a payoff matrix in the context of a game theory exercise (e.g. Wagner 1983). Such a measure requires defining a Relative Security (RS) coefficient, tailored to fit the environment of such a conflict involving Greece and Cyprus on one hand and Turkey on another. Ayanian (1994) has already employed such a security coefficient aiming at explaining exchange-rate fluctuations better than conventional macroeconomic variables. Combining Ayanian’s reasoning on the subject together with our earlier conclusions regarding the leading role of population developments in the Greek-Turkish arms race, we have proceeded to determining an RS coefficient. This coefficient is suitable to use when measuring the impact of the Greek-Turkish arms race on the security of the two allies, namely Greece and Cyprus.

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Influence of training on employee performance in the private security industry in kenya with a focus on private security guards in nairobi county

Influence of training on employee performance in the private security industry in kenya with a focus on private security guards in nairobi county

secondary data. The study found that some of the symptoms that call for training manifest themselves in various ways such as lack of interest in job, negative attitude to work, low productivity, tardiness, excessive absenteeism rate, excessive complaints from customer, high accidents and insubordination among others. The study recommends that everyone involve in training should agree exactly to what the training are lacking; skills needed and the attitude. Shaheen, Naqvi and Khan (2013) conducted an empirical study on employees training and organizational performance: mediation by employees performance. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used; questionnaire used for data collection involving 220 questionnaires that were dispersed amongst schools teachers out of those 197 received with 90 percent turnover. The SPSS was used for data analysis and policy based on results presented for ensuring training effectiveness and enhancing employee’s performance. Overall results revealed significant and positive association between training and organization performance. Kirschenbaum and Rapaport (2014) carried out a comprehensive study of Airports across Europe to establish the impact of training on security-related decisions was examined in detail. The study hypothesized that those more trained would comply more with protocols and rules than those with less training and robustness of training process. The study results confirmed that training is constrained in the ability to determine security decision behavior primarily because of an employee’s experience of actual threat. The study recommended simulation to bridge the gap between rule compliance and reality.

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Ethical mind for public and private security personnel in the 21st century

Ethical mind for public and private security personnel in the 21st century

Meanwhile, respected researchers and leaders are stressing the importance of developing the exact skills that are being lost in order for today’s policing services to be successful. Recent studies on the other hand suggest some police engage in various types of unethical behaviors. Therefore police should be equipped with ethical values that we must develop to meet the challenges of the future. In this context, Gardner (2006) emphasizes the need for thinkers (in this paper police) with disciplined, synthesizing, creative, respectful and ethical minds. Gardner’s work purports the value of the five minds to professional competence in general and does not necessarily relate these to policing services. However, as policing aims to provide public security and order, it would seem logical that a successful police will require these similar high end skills that Gardner sees as critical for sustained high performance in other professions. In this paper the main focus will be on “Ethical Mind” as complying with the ethical values and principles will improve the quality of security services police serve. The environment developed by the police together with the relationships they develop with the people they serve will play a crucial role in building a more safe and secure society. This emphasizes the importance of the ethical mind. It is therefore important to examine the impact that the ethical mind could potentially have on policing services. In short, this paper aims to extrapolate the ethical mind to the profession of policing and to identify how the ethical mind could impact upon policing effectiveness. This paper emphasizes that the ethical mind should be nurtured in all security personnel, whether public or private, to prepare them to become both good workers and good citizens of a complex and rapid changing society.

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The Trouble with Kosovo. EIPA Working Paper: 98/W/03

The Trouble with Kosovo. EIPA Working Paper: 98/W/03

All of these elements come together (again) in Kosovo. Before looking at how they apply to Kosovo it should briefly be noted that the responses to the other intra-state eruptions referred to above have served to modify our understanding of sovereignty and thus statehood. States are sovereign and intervention in their domestic jurisdiction is prohibited under international law with few exceptions and these are controversial. There are however two loopholes that have been exploited since the end of the cold war. First, rarely is an intra-state conflict confined to the state in question. Normally there will be regional or international ramifications to the conflict, such as refugee movements across borders, arms transactions, and the disruption of economic and political activity. Any one these, or a combination thereof, could legitimately be claimed to represent a threat to international peace and stability and trigger a response. Second, the proven violation of a specific group (or groups) within a state by another group could trigger an international response based on proof of the systematic violation of human rights. All of these caveats in public international law have been used in UN Security Council resolutions and have led to interventions of various types. The enthusiasm for exploiting these arguments has though waned perceptibly as the complexity and cost of intra-state conflict have become apparent (Somalia in particular) and the lack of ‘quick fix’ solutions has also been equally apparent (nowhere moreso than Bosnia).

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From Lisbon to Lisbon: squaring the circle of EU and NATO future roles. Egmont Security Policy Brief No. 16, January 2011

From Lisbon to Lisbon: squaring the circle of EU and NATO future roles. Egmont Security Policy Brief No. 16, January 2011

Those are the three “essential core tasks” defined by the new Strategic Concept (§4). The more capable NATO will be of implementing those security and defence tasks, the more relevant it will be. Attempts to broaden NATO’s agenda beyond those core tasks and move into civilian crisis management and even into foreign policy cannot achieve success, for the Alliance is an alliance, not a foreign policy actor. Instead, such distractions will only serve to undermine the core tasks and thus to question NATO’s relevance. What this artificial broadening of the agenda will not do is bring back the centrality that NATO enjoyed during the Cold War. Fortunately, for to put it simply, that today the agenda of Europe and North America is no longer dominated by a vital threat to their territory is a good thing.

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The environmental security debate and its significance for climate change

The environmental security debate and its significance for climate change

That the individual is the appropriate referent object (that which is to be secured) for environmental security has many proponents within the environmental security literature. These proponents usually position themselves in direct opposition to the various environmental conflict theses and also to the greening of defence and argue that, because environmental threats know no territorial boundaries, true environmental security can only be achieved if environmental security is moved out of the state-centric threat and defence nexus. Proponents of the human security approach to environmental security then focus on issues such as ecological interdependence, human rights, the impact of globalisation and the effect of Northern consumption patterns on the global South. 29 For them, the nature of the threat stems from the dangers of long-term environmental degradation, such as global warming, ozone depletion, species extinction, pollution of air and water, and loss of biodiversity which are non-violent in character. In this approach, environmental security can be usefully defined as: “The process of peacefully reducing human vulnerability to human-induced environmental degradation by addressing the root causes of environmental degradation and human insecurity”. 30 Development in a sustainable form is a key issue of concern for proponents of this approach.

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Strength in Partnership? A qualitative analysis of the Public Private Partnership project 'Samen Alert 24/7', between the Police Force Twente and private security companies

Strength in Partnership? A qualitative analysis of the Public Private Partnership project 'Samen Alert 24/7', between the Police Force Twente and private security companies

Most of the issues that are mentioned under the action ‘selecting relevant information’ also apply here. The lack of manpower limits the Infodesk in all its activities concerning the project. Keeping the website up to date is no exception. Each day the Infodesk receives around 600 intelligence requests which they have to deal with on top of their administrative tasks. This means that the administrative part of project SA24/7, updating the website with reports from the field, does not happen often enough to make this project into a success. At the time of writing the Infodesk updated the projects’ website once every two weeks. The frequency of updating is also dependent on which Infodesk employee is working. It has been noticed by the private security super intendants that some Infodesk employees are more motivated to update the website than others. This lack of motivation has been addressed by the Infodesk employees themselves as well, as has been described the previous paragraph. Not updating the website on a daily basis means that the private security companies do not have a sense of urgency to check the website and eventually resulting in them not checking the website at all, since a site such as 112twente.nl offers them more actual information.

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A military suicide prevention program in the Israeli Defense Force: a review of an important military medical procedure

A military suicide prevention program in the Israeli Defense Force: a review of an important military medical procedure

In a statistical examination of the SPP, trend analysis showed lower suicide rates in the cohort subsequent to intervention (Shelef L, Laur L, Derazne E, Mann JJ, Fruchter E. An effective suicide prevention program in the Israel Defense Force: a cohort study. In preparation). The hazard ratio for the SPP’s effect on time-to-suicide was 0.44 (95 % CI =0.34–0.56, p < .001). The IDF SPP re- duced the suicide rate by 43 %. Several other variables were found to mediate the effect of the SPP: male gen- der, place of birth, high socioeconomic status, high intel- lectual level, and service in a combat unit (Shelef L, Laur L, Derazne E, Mann JJ, Fruchter E. An effective sui- cide prevention program in the Israel Defense Force: a cohort study. In preparation). Future efforts should seek to extend the program’s prevention reach to other demographic soldier profiles. The success of the IDF program may inform other suicide prevention programs in other military organizations and in the civilian sector.

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Security agendas and international law: the case of new technologies

Security agendas and international law: the case of new technologies

It is difficult to construct a treaty or other legal regulatory mechanism that governs something as complex and multidimensional as the use of cyberspace. Achieving consensus on something that can be seen both as an important modern form of freedom of information and as a threat to security is one of the greatest challenges facing the UN. The item on ‘developments in the field of information and telecommunication in the context of international security’, first placed on the agenda of the General Assembly in 1999, has remained there as an annual item, though little progress has been made. In 2010, the General Assembly identified that there were a number of existing and potential threats in the field of information security. The Assembly urged states to develop ‘strategies’ to address ‘threats emerging in the field, consistent with the need to preserve the free flow of information’. Intriguingly, the Assembly also considered that the ‘purpose of such strategies could be served through further examination of relevant international concepts aimed at strengthening the security of global information and telecommunications systems’. The Assembly went on to invite states to look at the recommendations contained in the Report of the Group of

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Human security in Central Asia: can the EU help out? EUCAM Policy Brief No  21, October 2011

Human security in Central Asia: can the EU help out? EUCAM Policy Brief No. 21, October 2011

Basically, all the EU programmes and those managed by in- dividual member states are geared toward “security broadly speaking”. The main member states involved in Central Asia (the UK, Germany, France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands and Finland) have bilateral or regional assistance programmes fo- cused on improving education, health care, food security, ac- cess to water, alleviating poverty, environmental concerns, and so on. At the EU level, the Rule of Law Initiative and Human Rights Dialogues are up and running while the BOMCA (Border Management in Central Asia) and CADAP (Central Asia Drug Action Programme) are funded by the EU but largely imple- mented by the UNDP. However, all these activities are not or-

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Human security in Central Asia: can the EU help out? EUCAM Policy Brief No  21, October 2011

Human security in Central Asia: can the EU help out? EUCAM Policy Brief No 21, October 2011

Basically, all the EU programmes and those managed by in- dividual member states are geared toward “security broadly speaking”. The main member states involved in Central Asia (the UK, Germany, France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands and Finland) have bilateral or regional assistance programmes fo- cused on improving education, health care, food security, ac- cess to water, alleviating poverty, environmental concerns, and so on. At the EU level, the Rule of Law Initiative and Human Rights Dialogues are up and running while the BOMCA (Border Management in Central Asia) and CADAP (Central Asia Drug Action Programme) are funded by the EU but largely imple- mented by the UNDP. However, all these activities are not or-

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Collapsing legitimacy: how the crime of aggression could affect the ICC’s legitimacy

Collapsing legitimacy: how the crime of aggression could affect the ICC’s legitimacy

Since the legitimacy of the ICC depends in part on it being perceived as applying the principle of universal justice equally and impartially, the fact that Article 15 bis creates a jurisdictional regime for the crime of aggression that allows large numbers of states to avoid prosecution poses a significant problem for the notion of equality before the law. 86 At the time of writing in November 2016, only 12% state parties to the ICC are also state parties to Kampala Amendments, with a further 30% taking some kind of action to ratify the amendments. 87 States such as the United States, Russia and China are not party to the ICC and would be able to use the their power on the Security Council to protect themselves or other states from being prosecuted for aggression. This also creates an odd legal double standard whereby a state could effectively opt out of the legal consequences for the violation of a jus cogens norm. 88 In Nicaragua v US, the ICJ was clear about the strict prohibition on the use of force under the UN Charter, and whilst Article 15 bis does not in theory weaken this rule, it does create a bifurcated regime for its enforcement. 89 Moreover, the capacity of the ICC to make what Ian Hurd describes as future claims to authority would be reduced if, having assumed the capacity to rule on acts of aggression, the court remained inactive whilst

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Balancing National Security Policy: Why Congress Must Assert its Constitutional Check on Executive Power

Balancing National Security Policy: Why Congress Must Assert its Constitutional Check on Executive Power

After Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, the prohibition on providing material support to terrorist groups should be a specific intent crime in which the perpetrator‟s purpose must be to contribute to violent activities or to promote the stated goals of the terrorist or- ganization. The prohibition should exclude groups who seek to un- dermine terrorism through socialization (e.g., doctors, teachers, and journalists). At the very least, the prohibition should exclude interac- tions that actively seek to discourage a terrorist group‟s violence. Congress should also direct the Departments of State and Home- land Security to develop rules that: (1) assess the humanitarian im- pact of any antiterrorism policy; and (2) set special enforcement pri- orities in dire humanitarian circumstances, such as natural disaster. These procedures should allow relaxed enforcement in cases of an emergency, like famine, that may call for a temporary rebalancing of priorities. Congress should also direct the State Department to com- pile an annual list of neutral aid agencies to be granted immunity under the material support prohibition. 164

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Private military and security companies : options for regulation under human rights law

Private military and security companies : options for regulation under human rights law

In the Section of norm (chapters 7 to 9), the contributors give particular emphasis on the status of PMSCs under international law 104 . In particular, Louise Doswald-Beck examines the status of PMSCs’ employees as combatants or civilians and under which circumstances they can could be consider as prisoners-of-the-war 105 . Moreover, Lehnardt examines whether States incur responsibility for any violations may be committed by PMSCs and their employees 106 . More precisely, she illustrates the circumstances under which a PMSCs’ conduct is attributable to a State party to an armed conflict 107 . She founds her analysis on the jurisprudence of international tribunals, such as the ICJ and the ICTY. Further, from these aspects, their publication coveres also the issue of the domestic regulation of PMSCs’ activities. In particular, Caparini analyses the licensing system of USA and South Africa with respect to the export of military goods and security services 108 . However, this book seems to be ‘anachronistic’ since

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