The idea that EU treaties have become too difficult to amend is a recurring one. This article explores changing national constitutional rules and norms in the consent stage of EU treaty making in twenty-eight Member States between 1950 and 2016 asking how parliaments, people and courts came to be much more significant for consent, what the consequences of this shift are, and offering some tentative proposals as to how the challenges this raises could be addressed. EU treaty making has become more complex, but we argue that treaties should be more rather than less difficult to amend where concerns over two-level legitimacy rather than two-level games predominate.
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Prior to the sovereign debt crisis, the EU did not wish to intervene too much in Member States’ national fiscal legislation, as this was seen as contrary to the subsidiarity principle. The eurozone sovereign debt crisis has overturned this reasoning and has led to calls for more national ownership. The Intergovernmental Treaty will indeed result in an important step-up in the EU’s interference in national fiscal rules. It will most notably require participating eurozone countries to adopt a so-called Golden Rule. This paper provides a comparison between the Golden Rule and existing EU fiscal norms (i.e. the 3% deficit ceiling, the Medium-Term Objective and the Debt- reduction Rule). The paper first zooms in on the future national Golden Rule. Then, the Golden Rule is compared to the three European level fiscal norms. Based on this If introduced successfully, national
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A successful introduction of Golden Rules in eurozone countries’ national legislation will overturn the EU’s fiscal setting. The Golden Rules will effectively determine the future fiscal discipline to which eurozone countries have to adhere. The role of EU-level fiscal norms will then decrease considerably. As was demonstrated in this paper, EU norms will only rarely require more fiscal discipline than the national Golden Rules. This would concern specific cases, such as a significant fiscal expansion during a pronounced economic downturn (while not a recession), or periods when a country itself commits to lower budget deficits. For countries with both genuinely high debt and lacklustre growth, EU norms could, in rare situations, also be more stringent. In all other situations, i.e. the vast majority, the Golden Rule will easily surpass EU-level norms. EU fiscal norms will therefore have a different function than before. They will serve to counter the inadequacy of a specific Golden Rule. If a Golden Rule proves impracticable or is diluted by a eurozone country, EU fiscal norms can step in to restrict the country’s deficits. In the eurozone, EU fiscal norms will therefore evolve from their current normative function
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Governmental commitment and capacity for fiscal discipline is important at all phases of the budgetary process: budget negotiations to allocate resources, parliamentary approval of the budget law and budget execution. As von Hagen's study suggests, a budgetary process under a dominant position of the Prime Minister or Finance Minister, with subordinated spending ministers, limited parliamentary amendment power and limiting changes during budget execution, contributes significantly to fiscal discipline. The results of his study propose a possible need for institutional adaptation in the budgetary process of some Member States to guarantee long-lasting fiscal discipline (von Hagen, 1992, pp. 37 et seq.). Strong budgetary leadership is a necessary complement to fiscal norms and rules for convergence.
suggestions of a particular editor or publisher. The point to stress, however, is that norms and rules are social realities, involving not just individuals, groups and communities but also the power relations within these communities, whether these relations are material (economic, legal, political) or ‘symbolic’. This is what gives the model its dynamic character. Norms operate in a complex and dynamic social context, which may be a cultural domain, such as the domain of literature. It does not greatly matter whether one thinks of this context in terms of a ‘system’, in the sense of systems theory or in terms of, say, a ‘field’, such as the field of cultural production in Bourdieu’s sense. What is important is the fact that norms are deeply implicated in the social and cultural life of a community. They involve different and often competing positions and possibilities, they point up various interests and stakes being pursued, defended, coveted, claimed – and the individual’s desires and strategies to further this or her own ends, whether as a result of rational choices and practical reasoning or of decisions grounded in entrenched norms and rules. In large, complexly structured and stratified societies, a multiplicity of different, overlapping and often conflicting norms coexist. This multiplicity is at the same time the main repository of the potential for change.
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A compliance program represents an organization’s commitment towards society to do its best to keep to the rules expressed in forms of laws. Its function is to prevent, detect and repress illegal activities and actions that are not in accordance with internal rules. in addition, its purpose is the promotion of legal conduct. An organization manifests internally and externally that the observance of the law and rules forms the basis of its ethical conduct. A thought through compliance program addresses legal risks that an organization faces and encourages adherence to the law. it leads to the state where owners, managers and employees start self-regulating themselves, legal behavior becomes part of their DNA. ey realize that breaking the formal rules results in the unfair functioning of the market which is harmful for organizations, as well as for society. At this stage, a detection and repression of unlawful conduct become of a less importance and a compliance program is mainly a plan for incorporating a new law or changes in laws, for improving the level of lawfulness of processes and activities, and for enforcing legal behavior even outside the organization. A number of formal internal policies guiding employee and management behavior in an organization can start decreasing. if it has not done it yet, an organization can ask its business partners to behave legally as it cooperates only with those who either have their own compliance programs or adhere to the requirements for legal conduct of an organization. e number of organizations committed to behaving legally in all situations grows, and eventually the increase of legal norms regulating organizations gradually slows down.
According to sanitary norms and rules of re- searching meat of slaughter animals and poultry, as well as products of its procession (meat semi- products, prepared meat products, by-products) the following indicators are studied: number of mesophile aerobic and facultative-anaerobic microorganisms (NMAFAnM), bacterias of coliform bacillus group (BCBG), Esherihia coli, and also yeasts and moulds. During the research presence of microorganisms of all named groups was studied. As presented in table 2, examina- tion of 1553 samples of meat and meat products in 2017 revealed positive samples according to NMAFAnM – 33 (7,6 %), in 2018 291 samples were examined, 28 were positive (10,0 %). In 2019 22 of 481 examined samples did not meet requirements of veterinary-sanitary rules and norms according to indicator NMAFAnM, and it equaled 4,5 %. Thus, percentage of reveling increased number of mesophile aerobic and
armonisation in such groupings creates a multi-layered legal system. At the bottom e the still diverse municipal legal systems; on the second level are harmonised gional norms; on the third level international unified rules play an important role. owever, regional groupings aim for intra-harmonisation, that is harmonisation ithin the grouping only and not inter-harmonisation and differences will accordingly
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Voluntary tax compliance refers to the moral principles or values held by individuals about paying their taxes (Torgler and Murphy, 2004). One of the external factors that have been examined in the compliance research is the social norms of individuals from the perspective of moral values and peer influences. Alm et al. (1995, p.7) highlighted that “social norms may therefore be a dominant, although also largely unexplored, factor in unravelling the puzzle of tax compliance”. Social norm is defined by Chang (2004) as a rule to govern individual’s behavior by means of social sanctions. While Alm (2011) would rather explained social norm as a pattern of behavior that is judged in a similar way by others and that therefore is sustained in part by social approval or disapproval. While both definitions were highlighting on social sanctions and whether the norms receives approval, Bobek (2011) adopted Cialdini and Trost (1998)’s definition to describe it as rules and standards that are understood by members of a group, and that guide and/or constrain social behavior without the force of laws.
The sociological institutionalist assumption that socialization of national representatives causes change of collective understandings and identities is rather weak. There are strong evidences that the new national representatives have learnt new norms and rules; however, as Smith pointed out (2000: 619), it is too much to assume that national officials give up their national loyalties in favour of a common European interest. Instead, the indicators of socialization effect might be found in the fact that national elites are more and more familiar with each other’s positions and preferences. In addition, national officials learn that national foreign policy is strengthened by political cooperation, not weakened (Smith, 2000: 619). The learning process is part of the accommodation into the new policy-making setting. In the initial stage, the national officials have learnt the rule of the game. In the second stage, they have started playing the game, assessing the implications of a particular position in the balance between national and European interest. The collective adherence of national representatives to the procedural norms of compromise, consensus-seeking, avoidance of hard-bargaining do not obscure the instrumental way in which these norms are perceived. Even if the national officials have a more flexible approach, this is because they know that within EU framework a foreign policy position is not formulated in isolation but in consultation and cooperation with others. These norms are not necessarily seen as right on their own, but as means towards getting out of stalemate and overcoming differences of interest inherent in a Union of 27. Therefore, the role of the PermReps or MFA in the dissemination of EU’s norms and rules at domestic level is limited. The highly normative institutionalized setting of EU foreign policy-making has a constraining effect on the behaviour of national officials. Within this setting, the national representatives behave as rational actors conforming to these norms and rules in order to avoid the costs of illegitimate action while at the same time calculating when conformity is worth the cost of complying and when not (Schimmelfennig, 2000)
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This important difference between social structures and institutions gets lost, or at least is confused, in the writing of Bourdieu and his followers, because it is extremely common to read of structures generating the habitus. Metaphorically speaking, social structures are not „magical forces‟ that penetrate agents‟ minds and bodies, throwing a kind of mental switch and causing them to change their intentions. And yet institutions (rules, conventions, norms, values and customs) do have something like this ability – although I do not want to push this metaphor any further. What prevents this explanation from being „magical‟ is the fact that the process of habituation explains how institutions effect agents‟ intentions and actions. The following comments from Hodgson incorporate the points made thus far, and then extend them to the idea of reconstitutive downward causation:
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demonstrated that children’s understanding of social norms involves their understanding of these domains (Thornberg, 2008c). Such understandings, involving monitoring, reflecting, evaluating, and adapting, contribute to the development of effective communication, self-control (impulse control and goal attainment), positive work habits, and engagement in leaning. Encompassing the constructs welfare, justice, beneficence and rights, morality refers to the impact of one’s behaviours upon others to make a determination of right and wrong or/and fair and unfair. Social conventions characterize the agreed customs expected within the environment within which they are formed (Dahl & Kim, 2014). Thornberg’s (2008b) writing ascertains that children “justify judgements of moral issues in terms of the harm or unfairness that actions might cause, while they justify judgements of social conventions in terms of norms and expectations of authority” (Thornberg, 2008b, p. 38). Behaviours pertaining to personal responsibility are distinct from social conventions and morality, focusing more on self- regulation and individual lifestyle choices. Friendship choices, personal dress style, and self-reflection are examples of this cognitive domain.
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From this perspective, culture like any other aspect of organising and organisation, cannot be understood if its power-politics dimension is ignored. As Yanow (2007) argues, this is because ‘both organisation and its organising are marked by politics and power, including the power of ideas but also of structures that foster and hinder their articulation’ (Yanow, 2007, p. 174). In contrast to the instrumental cultural management prescriptions which recommend imposing a set of carefully thought out rules, norms and behaviours (culture by design, as outlined in the introduction) on everyday working practices of organisational members, we expound here an understanding of culture as a social practice, as a meaning- making process not reducible to institutional structures, artefacts and rhetorical categorisations only. It refocuses attention on the significance of power relations and structural forms governing organisational life and performance (see also Ogbonna and Harris, 1998). Assigning culture to individuals and groups and, for that matter, talking about organisational culture cannot be a value-free, objective exercise. Classifications used for enforcing cultural differences are not merely neutral devices – they are always tied to forms of action or intention; therefore they may shift depending on who is involved in the conversation, when, where and for what reason. Culture is constructed through meaning making processes, which are, according to Brannen and Salk (2000) historically situated and emergent, shifting and incomplete meanings and practices generated in webs of agency and power. This clearly problematises more managerialist, instrumental understandings of culture (as a variable) and indicates that the concept of ‘identity’ may provide alternative and practically relevant lines of inquiry in researching organisational and professional culture.
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www.ijstr.org 2016, which was ranked 31. Indonesian students generally have difficulty solving problems that require higher order thinking skills. The results of the Trends International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) survey for the eighth grade also show evidence that mathematical questions that require higher-order thinking skills have generally not been answered successfully. Included are critical thinking questions. So if the teacher wants to implement inquiry learning it is necessary to develop norms or rules in the classroom. Teacher limitations in learning such as limitations in the material, equipment, and learning technology they need also need to be considered. Besides, that mathematics learning must also be designed to be fun and students learn without coercion. This can be supported by the presence of learning media in the form of student worksheets. Student worksheets with an inquiry approach can also be able to improve one of the 21st-century skills of students. Based on the description above, this study aims to develop student worksheets with a guided inquiry approach to improve students' critical thinking skills, specifically in the subject matter of comparison. Comparative material was chosen because the results of observations of researchers showed students still often repeated mistakes in understanding the material. Even though mastery of comparison material is very important as the basis for mastering the next mathematical material such as arithmetic. 
At the most superficial level of analysis, there is a “narrow” and “broad” understanding of resocialization. In a broad sense, resocialization is interpreted as socialization in adulthood (which, obviously, can include the need for social adaptation in a variety of relatively new social situations: new work, retraining, change of residence, changes in the family situation, etc.). In a narrower sense, we are talking about socialization in connection with fundamental, significant transformations of the value character, when the former values are unacceptable. The axiological transformation of society, in contrast to the gradual assimilation of the existing norms and rules in this society, represents a qualitatively different change in the structure and dynamics of the value system . It is interesting that modern sociologists point to the attribution of resocialization not only to the processes of secondary (traditional view), but also to primary socialization. This is due to the expansion of the reference group and space-time compression due to the development of digital technologies (the role of the family and the school is no longer exceptional; due to social Internet networks values and behavior of people who are far from us in spatial and temporal sense are internalized . The trends of individualization in primary socialization are revealed, the role of initiative and the ability of an individual to construct behavior, norms, rules based on the construction of his Self and identity increases, and the process of resocialization does not apply only to a certain age or social status of a person, becoming continuous.
We begin this chapter by defining what a measure-preserving transformation is. This trans- formation plays a big role in the Hadwin-Hoover theorem in chapter 5. Then we introduce new norms called normalized symmetric gauge norms. Many nice and useful properties of such norms will be given. A lot of common norms such as p-norms, Lorentz norms, etc., are all this type of norm. Finally, the evaluation of the limit norms of normalized symmetric gauge norms will be presented as theorems and lemmas. These calculations and computations are key ingredients in proving the Hadwin-Hoover theorem and our work, the generalized Hadwin-Hoover theorem in the last chapter.
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We establish lower bounds for norms and CB-norms of elementary operators on B ( H ). Our main result concerns the operator T a,b x = axb + bxa and we show k T a,b k ≥ k a kk b k , proving a conjecture of M. Mathieu. We also establish some other results and formulae for k T a,b k
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A systematic investigation will provide dynamic understanding about the road accidents, incidence, causes & actions for traffic safety among adolescents. According to demographic and clinical data on all accident victims admitted age between 12- 20 year. There were 257 (95.2%) males and 13 (4.8%) females. There were 12 (4.4%) deaths, 9 (75%) due to traumatic brain injuries. Sometime these accidents caused lifetime disablement, injury to victims and big loss for families. (1) Due to vast mechanization of today’s world, youngsters have been provided so many facilities. On one hand all these things are new, fast, attractive, and adventurous and time saving but on the flip side all these things are very harmful to new generation. Avoidance of safety gears, lack of understanding about traffic rules and risk taking behavior is more prevalent among adolescents.
The same goes for the self-interest motive. Stressing on the self-interests of lay third parties that could be fulfilled by taking sides, can be a good tactic to form a coalition. However, when the other disputant has a strong moral ground for why he/she should win the conflict, and communicates this strong moral ground to the lay third party, it is not likely that the lay third party will take sides based on his/her self-interest. The likelihood that the lay third party will side based on moral grounds will even be greater when the conflict takes place in a very public setting. The influence of social norms and values to behave impartially and fair, just as a professional third party, could be especially strong in this case.
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but will furthermore reinforce their stabilising mechanisms, notably by pointing an accusing finger at any form of deviance and by insisting on the material respect of norms (Remy et Voyé, 1981). By pointing a finger at delinquency and attributing it to a specific type of population (North African youths from the suburbs), the shopkeepers and residents of the Presqu’île, with the support of their councillors, justify their belief that they live in a threatening situation, and their consequent behaviour. By creating a category of ‘unlawful users’ that refers explicitly to practices judged to be competitive and/or a source of dysfunction, they intend to establish their dominance and reassert their power to define the social norms governing the use of public space. But the desire to protect themselves, and the temptation to intensify stabilising mechanisms has led them go further than mere denunciation. For although in France security remains within the domain of the State, the legal guidelines and security planning act (LOPS, 21 January 1995) opened the domain of public security to the cities, through Local Security Contracts (CLS, 27 November 1998) and the relaxing of legal measures concerning CCTV systems.
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