in seventeenth-centuryEngland. It questions a common assumption about so-called ‘ mercantilist ’ writers : that they saw trade as in some way ﬁnite and therefore won by one nation at the expense of another. Instead, it proposes that the often belligerent attitude of the ‘ mercantilists’ towards trade was rooted in an under- standing of the nature of international commerce as both communication and competition. Although writers acknowledged the mutual aspect of trade, they did not see this exchange as automatically equal, but saw it as possible for one party to exploit the other. This situation demanded state action to protect national trading interests in the disputed area of commerce, and thus this ‘ discourse of trade’ was linked to political and juridical discourses about international relations. The article shows how this understanding of trade inﬂuenced debates about commercial governance in the critical middle decades of the seventeenthcentury, culminating in the attempt to create a national monopoly through the navigation acts, ‘securing sovereignty ’ over the nation’s trade. The second half of this article examines this in more detail with reference to the ideas of a prominent defender of the 1651 Navigation Act : Benjamin Worsley.
a very experienced lawyer and statesman (the Solicitor-General Sir Francis Bacon). Of course these four individuals did not actually enjoy a convivial evening’s discussion over venison pasties washed down with claret, but we might read (as contemporaries surely would have read, had they seen or heard them) their analyses of social protest as a sub- conscious symposium among those whose economic and political interests were at stake during the early summer of 1607. Such a reading is rendered more plausible by the fact that our commentators shared a common stock not only of familiarity with the events of the Rising, but also of idioms in which to discuss them. In their use of scriptural imagery from the Old Testament prophets, especially Isaiah; in their rehearsal of the rhetoric of the body politic; but most of all in their repeated allusions to empty bellies, the insights offered by Reynolds, by James I, by Wilkinson and by Bacon constitute a discourse of shared understandings of the possibilities and perils of popular protest. In relating these commentaries to one another, and in exploring the possibility that there was within twelve months a fifth attempt to dramatise the dynamic of the Rising, I suggest that this ‘dialogue’ discloses the complex ways in which insurrection was not only described, but might be represented and perhaps even imagined, in seventeenth-centuryEngland.
Covington’s book remains, however, an important interdisciplinary study. At its simplest level, the breadth of Wounds, Flesh and Metaphor in Seventeenth-CenturyEngland allows the reader an opportunity to encounter a range of texts in order to appreciate the frequent and widespread usage of wound imagery in writings of this period. This book achieves its most important contribution to scholarship of the early modern period, however, in what is generally a highly sensitive analysis of ‘the myriad journeys that one metaphor took across political, legal, military, psychological, and religious writings’, which illuminates processes of re-evaluation and self-fashioning at work through language itself in seventeenth-centuryEngland (p. 3). Wounds, Flesh and Metaphor identifies the presence of wound imagery in a variety of 17th- century writings to suggest the ways in which compelling wound metaphors were being used to explore and understand a turbulent period in English history.
determine format instead of page size, crude as it may be, is not without merit. Bibliographers agree that the biggest expense in book production was the cost of paper. 16 Texts with fewer pages were cheaper than those of more pages. 17 It is also possible to use the work of Joad Raymond on pamphlets to group the dialogues into different page lengths. As Raymond puts it, ‘a pamphlet typically consisted of between one sheet and a maximum of twelve sheets, or between eight and ninety-six pages.’ 18 Therefore, if publications under ninety-six pages are broadly labelled ‘pamphlet dialogues;’ and anything longer then ninety-six pages are called ‘books’ then we can look at the trends of the different types of dialogue. 19 Tracing the changes in length across the period 1600-1750 in the graph below reveals two clear phenomenon: firstly, that there was a significant decline in book-length dialogues after the 1640s when they went from 60 per cent to 15 per cent, not rising above 35% until the eighteenth century. Secondly, that pamphlet dialogues were a historically specific form of literature that corresponded with the period 1640s-1710s. It is for this reason that I will focus on dialogues in the period 1600-1710 in this thesis, as this was when we can see the emergence and decline of the pamphlet dialogue. Focusing on the period 1600-1710 also serves a pragmatic purpose. It reduces the number of dialogues studied from 3,077 to 2,200 that is a more manageable number of texts to treat within the confines of the thesis.
imagination of heaven, coupled with his desire to see his sister, made death seem attractive. Nevertheless, it would be wrong to romanticize death at this time; the ﬂipside to the belief in heaven was hell, a place that caused nightmares rather than pleasant dreams. What can we take away from this brief foray into the past? Parents in the 17th century loved their children, and sought to comfort them through talking. This conversation was probably far less difﬁcult, however, in the early modern period because people were so much more certain about what happened after death.
Now by parents wee understand not onely the natural parents, but such as by the law of nature and of God, supply their places: as grandfathers, great grandfathers, uncles, aunts, great uncles and aunts, brethren, sisters, kins-men, and kins-women, Magistrates, and those to whose families the parties doe especially belong. For all these are honoured in Scripture by the name of parents. Neither may wee exempt out of this number, Guardians, Masters, and such to whom the continuall custody and tuition is lawfully committed. 12 A study of literary texts that deal with social issues, specifically that of inheritance, and an examination of the number of genres that deal with this topic represent the imaginative centrality of inheritance. This type of literary-historical perspective on literature supplies the modern literary critic with ways of reading diaries and advice texts (of Elizabeth Joceline and Edward Burton, amongst others) alongside fictional literary works of William Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and Aphra Behn, for example. The wide-ranging selection of both literary and other genres directs one to make an exposition of literature’s relationship with society, as literature changes throughout the seventeenthcentury in its representations of death, wills, legacies, and changing attitudes to systems of inheritance. But there must be care taken when examining literature’s links with society. No matter how realistic a work of art, its nature as art (and artifice) prevents one from making a direct comparison with the particular society in which it is produced. In writing the importance of the dramatic construction of personae cannot be underestimated. Yet society and art do intersect at several vital points. Literature must be used in this way with great care; one must be careful of using these genres of literature too literally as evidence of social and private behaviour, especially when comparing poetic and fictional characterisations with diary-writing. The search for ‘authentic’ parental voices is tempting, even when it is clear that a wider readership or audience were the intended
such as "discover" and "show," recur throughout the text. 215 That diction is evident in the following passage, which stresses that Independency is breeding heterodoxy: "Hence all men may see as in a clear glasse what Independency is, that hath brought forth in a few yeers in England such monsters of Errors as are named in this Catalogue; most of the persons who vented these Opinions, and are fallen to be Anabaptists, Seekers, Arrians, yea, Anti-scripturalists, being within these 5. or 6. yeers Independents, and of the Church way." If the "fruit" of Independency is "error," then Independency cannot be God's way. 216 The notion that heresy is contagious and all consuming is central to Gangreana and to the Presbyterian promotion of conformity. It is the organizing principle of Edwards' heresiography. At the beginning of each edition, the "catalogue of the errors, heresies, blasphemies" illustrates that idea. Instead of using the approach later employed by Samuel Rutherford, a Scottish Presbyterian divine, in A Survey of the Spiritual Antichrist—dissecting each sect separately (detailing its history and beliefs) and then comparing sects with one another, Edwards lumps all of the dangerous beliefs together in one long list. That method embodies the theory that toleration is a slippery slope. When so many false doctrines flow from the same fount, they need not be distinguished from one another; they are all polluted. By including only false doctrines in Gangreana and by grouping them together under one implied heading—"intolerable"—Edwards helped his readers reach the desired conclusion on their own.
explanations. Most of those who explore the contours of popular religion in the parishes or the development of national religious identities focus on the period before the crisis in religious and political authority that was the English revolution of the 1640s and 1650s. The historiographical questions that haunt the precincts of sixteenth and early seventeenthcentury history (for example the still hardy perennials such as ‘the impact of the reformation in the parishes’, ‘the rise/fall of Calvinism/Arminianism’, or ‘Protestantism and literacy’) seem to hold little appeal for historian of post-Restoration society. Those historians who write about the confessional state tend in fact to concentrate upon the period (c1660-1820s) when the authority of that structure of social power was fractured if not fragmentary. The anthropological approach to the study of early modern religion has tended to ignore the study of change in favour of an account of process and structure. Any examination of change is that of the modulations of religious ‘style’ within a broadly
England was in a constant state of newness. Joad Raymond speculates that, though it only rarely left traces, “What news?” was one of the most frequently asked questions in the period. 7 As events accelerated throughout the 1640s, each day offered its own news, overwhelming the ability of customary news sources—almanacs, corantos, and garrulous travelers—to accurately report it. For scholars of early modern news, like Raymond and J.P. Somerville, the Civil War created a state of “constant revolution” that forced the development of innovative information technologies that could measure and report on a history that was always changing. 8 The result was the newsbook, a genre structured around the historical change it was designed to represent. The most innovative characteristic of the newsbook was its periodicity: typically, issues were produced in weekly runs, and the contents divided into individual days. By parsing the week’s events into its “diurnall occurrences,” newsbooks give the reader a sense of the discrete temporality of the events that they represent: the events of Tuesday, January 30, 1649 did not happen—and could not have happened—on Monday, January 29, or Wednesday, January 31. Authors and editors further emphasized the temporal distinctness of their contents with deictic reminders that events occurred “on this day” and “in this instant,”
This dissertation is artificially framed by a temporal moment, the seventeenth- century, a location, England, and a genre, the landscape. However, the definition of this genre is wider than past histories have accommodated. Rather than use an anachronistic definition of the genre as aesthetically “pure" and "English," landscape is here defined by how it was first conceived in seventeenth-centuryEngland, as a depiction of the natural world. Throughout this work landscape is viewed in its variety. As Garrett A. Sullivan notes with respect to dramatic iterations, just as there are multiple relations to land, so there are multiple landscapes. 37 The chapters of this dissertation, therefore, explore the genre from four different perspectives (symbolic, topographic, ideal and estate landscape) and within each a variety of iterations are examined. It should be noted that the first three categories are purely conceptual, based upon general forms and influences rather than any predetermined rules. Indeed, many of the particular iterations explored under this rubric exceed the possibility of singular categories, while many others fail to conform to any formal classification at all. Rather than impose new limits, these divisions are used to expose the contexts that shaped some of the more prevalent forms deployed within landscapes of the seventeenthcentury. To add clarity to this endeavor, each of the first three chapters focuses upon one particular formal perspective and the contexts that shaped that viewpoint while the final chapter explores their combination in the estate landscape. The chapters can thus be understood as independent studies in their own right, or taken together to express a panoramic view of seventeenth-century landscapes.
Dr Coffey offers a persuasive post-revisionist approach to the central concerns of his book. Recognising in one important respect the strength of the revisionist argument, he places an emphasis on the power of intolerance in early modern England and devotes more space to discussing and explaining persecution than tolerance. At the very outset, he bravely nails his colours to the mast declaring that it is his intention to argue that there is considerable truth in the Whiggish claim that seventeenthcenturyEngland witnessed a dramatic transformation from religious persecution and enforced uniformity to toleration and religious pluralism. He finds himself in broad agreement with Haller and Woodhouse in arguing that the 1640s were the key decade and that the initial impetus behind tolerationist ideas came from radical puritanism. The 'Puritan Revolution' is alive and well. Tolerationists emerged during those years to provide a principled opposition to religious persecution, even of heretics and schismatics, and to make the case for the peaceful co-existence within one society of a plurality of churches and religions. In the longer term, the stubborn survival of Dissenting churches (and of Papists) punctured the monopoly of the national church and an earlier consensus in favour of using coercion to support religious uniformity crumbled. The 1689 toleration act was indeed an important landmark in the struggle to achieve religious toleration.
While Evelyn and Fuller mentioned the orchards, John Aubrey referred to the water supply in Carshalton, commenting on its many springs and fish ponds.i? This water supply, usually known as the River Wandle, also provided the basis for industrial development and employment for the local population. Evidence for the intensive industrial use of the river can be found in a report of a royal commission in 1609 which proposed to divert a tenth of the flow to supply water to London through a system of canals, tunnels and pipes. At that time there were 24 corn mills on the Wandle and in Carshalton in particular there were three corn mills, two fulling mills and a gunpowder mill. Because of this heavy usage, millers had difficulty in maintaining a head of water and the plan to divert some of it to London was abandoned. One of the arguments put forward against the proposal provides evidence for close trading links with London - the millers declared that since the Wandle never froze, they could continue to supply London with corn even when the Thames was frozen over. So, the water supply in Carshalton was undiminished and the mills were used to produce gunpowder, sheet copper, linseed oil, drugs, snuff, paper and leather during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
In 1673# th e re appeared the emonymou^ C haracter o f a .Coff ee-Eouse , with tho Symptoms o f a To'wn l i t (145) # which i s reprinted in the H a rle la n M is c e lla n y (146). I t is possible th a t th is v iv id aid v itu p e ra tiv e piece was w r itte n by G le n v lli. Weiss (147) notes s im ila r it ie s between i t and G la n v ill’ s A Blow a t Modern Sa<Mucisai, and Cope (l4 8 ) asserts th a t G la n v ill was almost car- t a in ly it s author* I t is a b itin g attack on seventeenthcentury London characters# and in c id e n ta lly i t is sur- p risin g how l i t t l e many o f these have changed. But the fu lle s t descriptions and the most acid ooaments are
engagement with the history of the seventeenth-century kingdoms which produced a rich variety of proposals for rethinking counsel embedded in discussions of possible forms of union. Thus both England’s and Scotland’s experience of being part of a Dutch composite state deeply engaged in major warfare was a new context in which old and new ways of discussing counsel fused. The era from 1688 to 1707 was a liminal period in which older suggestions for parliamentary appointment of councils revived, but were proposed and defended using new political languages of fiduciary monarchy, parliamentary sovereignty and interest. Once the possibility of England and Scotland having opposing interests had been recognised, counsel was no longer required to achieve some imagined unitary common good. The incorporating union of the parliaments in 1707 was a way of avoiding, rather than solving, the vexed question of how counsel would hold together any alternative non-
From the preceding account it is clear that in the 17 th century Ottoman rule was suffering from four types of corruptions: a. sale of offices to highest bidders, b. allocation of tax farming to one who offered highest price, c. allocation of offices and tax farming to incompetent and unworthy palace nominees, and d. dismissal of honest officers who did not comply misrule to appease their bosses. These evils were so obvious that all the good thinkers of the empire condemned them and suggested remedy. They opposed sale of offices; suggested change in taxation system; and demanded retaining the honest and worthy officers for a fairly longer period so that he gets enough time to correct the house.
art-form, with a strong element of medieval artistic thinking. But then, the Baroque in Western Europe also developed partly as a revival of elements of the medieval artistic conscience in Renaissance culture. It is perhaps for this very reason that the introduction of Baroque decorative and ornamental elements into Russian icon- painting is relatively organic - icon-painting being close to the Baroque aesthetic in terms of its mysticism, its spiritualism (in the content of the icon), and the immanent exalted nature of the icon image. One can trace the progress of Baroque metaphor, formal over-loading, allegory, and artistic rhetoric, as they seep little by little into Russian icon-painting in the late seventeenthcentury.
Foucault, 2006: 3-8; 1991: 195-200). In Security, Territory, Population, Foucault shows how security deals with the disease of smallpox from the eighteenth century onwards. Rather than deploying techniques of exclusion or quarantine, as for leprosy and the plague, the focus for medical intervention now rests on determining probabilities and establishing averages through the use of statistics. Foucault explains that the fundamental problem for security in its management of the disease involves