Sexual violence

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Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment, adopted from the University of California Policy on Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment

Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment, adopted from the University of California Policy on Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment

The University of California is committed to creating and maintaining a community dedicated to the advancement, application and transmission of knowledge and creative endeavors through academic excellence, where all individuals who participate in University programs and activities can work and learn together in an atmosphere free of harassment, exploitation, or intimidation. Every member of the community should be aware that the University prohibits sexual harassment and sexual violence, exploitation, or intimidation. Every member of the Community should be aware that the University prohibits sexual violence and sexual harassment, retaliation, and other prohibited behavior (“Prohibited Conduct”) that violates law and/or University Policy. The University will respond promptly and effectively to reports of Prohibited Conduct and will take appropriate action to prevent, to correct, and when necessary, to discipline behavior that violates this policy on Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment (hereafter referred to as Policy).
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Rape and other forms of sexual violence in South Africa

Rape and other forms of sexual violence in South Africa

not all forms of sexual violence are defined as crimes in South africa. Much sexual harassment, for example, falls within the ambit of behaviour treated as misconduct and is dealt with in terms of labour law and institutions’ disciplinary codes. this location of sexual violence within different laws means that it is difficult to get a comprehensive overview of the nature and extent of reported sexual victimisation in South africa. although the South african Police Service (SaPS) provides figures for some sexual offences once a year, educational institutions and workplaces are not compelled to report on their disciplinary proceedings. as a result, some cases of sexual victimisation will be hidden. very little research has been undertaken to explore these gaps. there is also very little nationally representative data on all types of sexual offences, and in some instances there is no information at all regarding the experiences of particular categories of victims. that which is available is set out below.
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Endemic Sexual Violence and Abuse: Contexts and Dispositions

Endemic Sexual Violence and Abuse: Contexts and Dispositions

Explaining sexual violence and abuse: An individual‐situational‐ecological formulation We have set out our theory of SVA in detail elsewhere (Smallbone 2006; Smallbone and Cale in press; Smallbone, Marshall and Wortley 2008), and deal with only a few key points here. Our theory builds on Marshall and Barbaree’s (1990) original integrated theory, whereby sexual offending of all kinds was understood to involve the interaction of individual (biological and developmental), situational, and sociocultural factors. In short, Marshall and Barbaree argued that positive socialisation is necessary to inhibit a universal biologically‐based potential for adolescent and adult males to engage in self‐serving and aggressive sexual behaviour. Males whose socialisation experiences have not embedded in them a deep inhibition against such behaviours are therefore particularly susceptible to sociocultural environments that permit or excuse SVA (for example, negative attitudes toward women), and to transitory disinhibiting factors such as anger, loneliness, intoxication, and anonymity. Sexual offences per se occur when the offender’s proclivities or vulnerabilities interact with opportunities (for example, presence of a ‘suitable’ victim) and conducive situational conditions (for example, low perceived risk of detection).
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Wartime Sexual Violence: The Missing Link in Successful Peacebuilding?

Wartime Sexual Violence: The Missing Link in Successful Peacebuilding?

rapid intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Parish, 2010, p. 3-4). The war in Somalia in particular, which broke out following the ousting of General Mohamed Siad Barre in January 1991, created a shortage of food and growing famine in that country (DiPrizio, 2002, p. 44- 45). Mounting criticism from regional organizations and the public to intervene and alleviate the widespread suffering caused by starvation and insecurity ultimately pressured the UN to launch Operation ‘Restore Hope’ in late 1992 (Wheeler, 2000, p. 175; Lepard, 2002, p. 11; Baumann, Yates, and Washington 2004, p. 56). However, the mission proved disastrous and the US eventually instilled a volte-face policy and withdrew from Somalia following the death of 18 American soldiers in October 1993(Parish, 2010, p. 4). In the throes of this fiasco, the international community proved hesitant to send troops to Bosnia and Herzegovina for a pre-emptive peacekeeping mission in early 1992, prior to the referendum on independence (ibid). A UN Protection Force was eventually deployed in 1993, but could do little to keep a non-existent peace; especially with a weak mandate (Dumbrell, 2009, p. 83). The continual failure by the UN to restore peace and protect civilians culminated in the Srebrenica massacre of 1995, where it is estimated that over 7,600 Muslims were killed by Serb forces (Bellamy, Williams, and Griffin, 2010, p. 109). These killings, coupled with the sexual violence and other atrocities taking place in close proximity to Western Europe, served as a catalyst and led to a material intervention by the international community in the conflict (Skjelsbæk, 2012, p. 28).
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Narrative Construction of Sexual Violence and Rape Online

Narrative Construction of Sexual Violence and Rape Online

In this article I examine how sexual violence narratives have been constructed online specifically through two recent cases: the rape of a 16‐year‐old girl in Steubenville, Ohio; and the rape story of Jackie, a college woman in the United States, published in Rolling Stone. The article focuses on how the increased active participation of individuals in the creation of sexual violence narratives online, as opposed to the previously passive consumption of news stories offline, could prove problematic in ensuring justice is served. Social media and, more broadly, the Internet allows for circumvention of the corporate media outlets and the criminal justice system in response to their perceived inadequacies. With the 24‐hour news cycle, the ease with which media consumers can interact with the story as it breaks online, and the manner in which social media and online news platforms have been used by laypersons and ‘digital bystanders’—eyewitnesses using digital media tools— to target victims or perpetrators before a case makes it to court, raises questions about how narrative construction online possibly influences people’s beliefs and understandings about sexual violence and the effect this may have for the justice system. Although the sexual assault cases examined here are from the United States, sexual assault media coverage in the Anglo‐Western world tends to recreate similar if not the same narratives about sexual violence victimisation and perpetration (Greer 2003; Kitzinger 2013).
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Sexual violence and pregnancy related physical symptoms

Sexual violence and pregnancy related physical symptoms

Risk factors for experiencing sexual violence are young age, high-risk behavior including alcohol/substance mis- use, and other violence such as intimate partner or do- mestic violence [5,13,14]. A history of sexual violence has been associated with a wide range of psychological and physical complaints as well as medical diagnoses in- cluding post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, an- xiety disorders, eating disorders, somatization disorders, chronic pain such as headaches, abdominal pain, fibro- myalgia and pelvic pain, gastro-intestinal symptoms and sexually transmitted diseases [8,15-18]. Women who have experienced sexual violence are more likely to re- port poor quality of health compared to women without a history of abuse [15-18]. Women’s pre-pregnancy health, health perception and negative health behaviors are likely to continue during pregnancy thus affecting pregnancy and pregnancy outcome [9].
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Adolescent Bystander Perceptions of Sexual Violence Scenarios

Adolescent Bystander Perceptions of Sexual Violence Scenarios

investigate attitude changes after implementing an MVP program (Katz, Heisterkamp, & Fleming, 2011). Students rated different written scenarios in terms of perception of wrongfulness, willingness to intervene, and the likelihood of other students intervening. Results showed that that students exposed to the MVP model were more likely to perceive forms of violence as wrong, and were more likely to intervene, in comparison to students not exposed to the program. The generalizability of the results may be limited, as the study was conducted in two schools in a Midwestern state such that one school implemented the MVP program and the other did not. A similar questionnaire is currently being used to assess the effectiveness of a high school violence prevention program called The Sioux City Project, which was founded in 2007 by Cindy Waitt, Alan Heisterkamp, and Michael Fleming. The project also includes the MVP program as part of a school curriculum intervention that is facilitated by older student mentors (Waitt Institute for Violence Prevention, 2011). Findings showed that students’ prosocial beliefs and attitudes towards sexual violence changed over a mere four year period; for example 71% reported “Telling jokes that make fun of women and girls” to be wrong, in comparison to the original 2.6% (Waitt Institute for Violence
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Reporting sexual violence on mental health wards

Reporting sexual violence on mental health wards

People who have been subjected to physical and sexual violence are more likely than other groups to develop mental health problems. These difficulties include common mental disor- ders, eating disorders, psychosis and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Scott et al, 2015). For example, Scott et al (2015) note that people who have been violently assaulted or abused are fifteen times more likely to make an attempt to take their own life than the general population. Rates of self-harm are five times higher amongst this group. 84 % of those in the group who had been subject to “extensive physical and sexual violence” were women. 12% of this group had been admitted to a specialist mental health unit at some point. This review concludes that the long term impact of violence in all its forms should be viewed as public health issue. The impact of violence can be seen across both physical and mental health. There are well established links with other concerns including, alcohol and drug dependency, smok- ing, obesity and childhood development.
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Sexual violence against women and girls in Burundi

Sexual violence against women and girls in Burundi

serious physical injuries and even death, when they had objects such as beer bottles inserted in their genitals (Burundi rape, 2004). Women who experience sexual violence during pregnancy have the high tendency of experiencing miscarriages and fetal loss. In cases where these children survive, they are born prematurely and/or underweight. It also leads to maternal mortality and it has been documented that children who lose their mothers do not develop well. There are also serious mental health problems including depression, anxiety, suicidal thought, illicit drug use and post-traumatic stress disorders (Bryant-Davis et al., 2010 and Sherpard, n.d.). Apart from the trauma of rape and gang rape, victims experience lifelong psychological damage which may result in eating disorders, sleep disorders as well long term anxiety. Feerick and Haugaard (1999) indicate that adults who witnessed marital violence in their childhood, report psychological distress, higher levels of aggression and partner violence than those who did not. Santaularia et al. (2014) adds that children who experience sexual violence are likely to engage in risky behavior such as alcohol, drug abuse and disorders in their adult lives and this leads to chronic diseases. These children are more likely to perpetrate or tolerate sexual violence as adult and this becomes a cycle of violence (Sherpard, n.d.).
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Sexual violence against female university students in Ethiopia

Sexual violence against female university students in Ethiopia

(>24 years category) [OR: 2.09; 95% CI: 1.23, 3.01] ones. Respondents who had witnessed inter-parental violence during childhood were almost 2 times more likely to face sexual abuse compared to their counterparts [OR: 1.98; 95% CI: 1.82, 3.12]. The odds of sexual abuse is around two times [OR: 1.89, 95% CI: 1.42, 2.99] higher among those who had regular boyfriend in the past or at the time of the study. Similarly, students who drink or have history of drinking [OR: 2.55, 95%CI: 1.08, 2.52] and reported to have a friend who drinks regularly (be female or male) [OR: 3.01, 95% CI: 2.87, 3.91] reported more sexual violence than those who have never con- sumed alcohol and have no peers who regularly con- sume alcohol respectively. Moreover, the likelihood of experiencing sexual violence among students who did not discuss personal affairs with parents increased by 74% [AOR: 0.26, 95% CI: 1.40, 3.56] than those who dis- cuss (Table 4).
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Sexual Violence: Strengthening the Medico-Legal Response

Sexual Violence: Strengthening the Medico-Legal Response

Documenting an individual’s account of sexual violence is an important component of the medico-legal process. Such documentation captures the allegation and examination findings and creates a permanent record of details of any subsequent interventions. These records are important for the medical management of the individual and for any subsequent investigation and prosecution. Documentation may also have an important role in the therapeutic process for those who have been assaulted. It is important to identify whose role it is to document the story, and to recognize that it is not the role of health providers to make legal determinations.
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Stigma and Parenting Children Conceived From Sexual Violence

Stigma and Parenting Children Conceived From Sexual Violence

Women who were either raising a child from an SVRP (parent group) or had terminated a pregnancy from sexual violence (termination group) were eligible for the study. Cross- recruitment was allowed between groups, though each had separate surveys and data analysis plans. Only results from the parent group are presented here. Participants were eligible for the parent group if they (1) were 18 years of age or older, (2) self-reported an SVRP since the start of the war (1996), (3) delivered a live infant from the SVRP, and (4) currently lived with and cared for that child.

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Elusive Equality in Domestic and Sexual Violence Law Reform

Elusive Equality in Domestic and Sexual Violence Law Reform

nist Critique, 6 H ASTINGS W OMEN ’ S L.J. 1, 9-26 (1995) (critiquing the narrow definition of a “crime of violence” and the gender-motivation requirement); Frazee, supra note 37, at 242- 43 (endorsing statutory enumeration of violations, including rape, sexual assault, and do- mestic violence as per se gender motivated); Jennifer Gaffney, Amending the Violence Against Women Act: Creating a Rebuttable Presumption of Gender Animus in Rape Cases, 6 J.L. & P OL ’ Y 247, 249 (1997) (arguing that Congress should amend VAWA’s civil rights provision to create “a rebuttable presumption of gender animus in all rape cases”); Sally F. Goldfarb, Applying the Discrimination Model to Violence Against Women: Some Reflections on Theory and Practice, 11 A M . U. J. G ENDER S OC . P OL ’ Y & L. 251, 261-69 (2003) (assessing strengths and weaknesses of the discrimination model); Wendy Rae Willis, The Gun Is Al- ways Pointed: Sexual Violence and Title III of the Violence Against Women Act, 80 G EO . L.J. 2197, 2216-22 (1992) (advocating the rebuttable presumption that all sexual assaults are gender-motivated). Nevertheless, the resulting statutory language did not preclude courts from presuming acts of rape or domestic violence to be discriminatory without any further proof, and some federal and state courts did just that. See Julie Goldscheid & Risa E. Kaufman, Seeking Redress for Gender-Based Crimes—Charting New Ground in Familiar Legal Territory, 6 M ICH . J. R ACE & L. 265, 273-83 (2001) (discussing the concept of gender bias in domestic violence and sexual assault cases).
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The sustainable delivery of sexual violence prevention education in schools

The sustainable delivery of sexual violence prevention education in schools

In this section we have seen that reliable statistics indicating the size, impact and costs of the problem of sexual violence are notoriously difficult to gather. Estimates for either incidence or prevalence rates vary from study to study. Study designs vary, as do definitions of sexual violence. Questions asked of respondents vary, different population groups are investigated, and the training of interviewers varies. The most reliable data available in New Zealand is drawn from such studies as the Youth 2000 series, the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Research study and the New Zealand Violence Against Women Study: these indicate that the problem is significant. Experts in the field use these studies to estimate that at any given time the proportion of young people experiencing sexual violence as a child or young person is 1 in 4 girls and 1 in 8 boys. Marginalised groups such as Māori, Pasifika and the intellectually or physically disabled are over-represented. That is, these groups are significantly more likely to experience sexual violence than other social groups. The physical and psychological effects of sexual violence are significant and have lifelong impacts on victim-survivors. Such impacts are well documented in the literature. More recently, researchers have investigated the economic impacts of sexual violence. Although studies that attempt to assess economic impacts experience similar difficulties to those attempting to assess incidence and prevalence rates of sexual violence, a review of such studies, both overseas and in New Zealand, indicates that the economic impacts on individuals, families, employers and taxpayers are significant. For those children and young people who experience ongoing sexual violence in their lives the costs are significantly higher.
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Sexual violence and mental health services: a call to action

Sexual violence and mental health services: a call to action

There have been recent concerns raised that service users may be exposed to sexual violence within mental health inpatient settings. Foley and Cummins (2018) undertook a Freedom of Information (FOI) request exercise to 45 police forces and 23 of those provided some data. Following this, another FOI was sent to 38 mental health NHS Trusts in the UK to try to establish the types and levels of sexual assault and rape that occurred to people who were inpatients. Of the 38 mental health trusts, 12 reported they did not record such data; 13 provided a nil return (no reported sexual assaults) and 12 provided some data. Only 1 NHS trust refused the FOI request. There was a a wide variation in the type and quality of data obtained. For the period between 2011 and 2015 they identified 32 assaults (20 were women and 12 were male victims). There was often limited information about the incident, but where this did exist, the perpetrators were evenly split between fellow patients and fellow staff. Ten incidents occurred in the person’s own bedroom, but 13 occurred in communal areas, or the hospital grounds. Men were more often perpetrators (where recorded). Foley and Cummings (2018) conclude that sexual assaults do occur in hospitals and that in order to address this, better data on these incidents are required including whether these
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Risky Dis/Entanglements : Torture and Sexual Violence in Conflict

Risky Dis/Entanglements : Torture and Sexual Violence in Conflict

One might argue that pleasure and its string of associations have been successfully erased from dominant accounts of wartime sexual violence that have recast it as a rational strategy (c.f. Baaz and Stern 2018). The past decade has seen the establishment of conflict-related rape framed as decidedly political, a strategy or weapon of war, in contrast to its previous framings as integrally tied to the heterosexual bodily urges and cruel pleasures of warring men. While there are many different ways of explaining wartime sexual violence, and indeed the rape as a weapon of war narrative has been criticized for being both reductionist and universalizing (Eriksson Baaz and Stern 2013; Hoover Green 2016; Kirby 2012), this framing remains dominant in the policy arena, as the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize attests. As Eriksson Baaz and Stern explain, the weapon of war discourse is held together by four nodal points: the assumption of ‘strategicness’; a rational, culpable perpetrator who acts with conscious intent; the idea that rape can be stopped; and the gendered understanding that a woman’s sexual ‘purity’ represents the sanctity and the borders of her collective, making an attack against her an attack on her collective as a whole (2013: 44-62; see also Hirschauer 2014: 187; and for a discussion of how bodies and body parts come to be framed as weapons, see Kirby forthcoming). Hence, the strategic analysis of torture is echoed to a
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Submission to the sexual violence in conflict committee of the House of Lords

Submission to the sexual violence in conflict committee of the House of Lords

8. Interestingly, there is already a Monitoring, Analysis and Reporting Arrangements (MARA) established under UN Security Council resolution 1960 which at the moment does not seem to have much visibility and could become central to this new mechanism. It could act as a relay, providing systematic and reliable information that is then fed not only into the reports of the Special Representative on Sexual Violence and the Secretary-General but also in country reports to be reviewed by a Working Group on SViAC which would appraise the situation and progress made in the implementation of the 1) time-bound commitments made by the parties to the conflict 5 and 2) National Action Plans implementing resolution
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Lads' mags, sexual violence and the need for feminist intervention

Lads' mags, sexual violence and the need for feminist intervention

There is emerging research that suggests, young people in particular may need some help in this area of sexual “choice”, consent and respectful relationships. Results from the National Community Attitudes Towards Violence Against Women 2013 survey found that many Australians still accept or excuse sexual violence against women, in some cases blaming the victim for overt sexualisation.

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Sexual Violence in India

Sexual Violence in India

To conclude I would like to say that Indian women has come a long way and prove that she is capable of doing anything and equal partner in the growth and prosperity of the nation. Women plays different role in her life which is not an easy task. During her life she acts as daughter, wife, sister and mother at different stages of life. Sexual violence is a common and serious public health problem affecting millions of people each year throughout the world. So we must give them due care and respect and understand their efforts towards welfare of the society at large.Crimes against women cannot be blamed only to poor law and order. They are also a product of generations of subjugation of women under the patriarchal set up of the society where women is considered subordinate to men. The vicious role that Khaps play can also not be ignored. Politicians and cops are products of the same society and thus don’t find it wrong when people are murdered in the name of honour killing. To conclude, the high prevalence of rape in India proves that the Indian government is weak in promoting or fulfilling the human rights, especially the rights of the women.
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Criminological characteristics of sexual violence

Criminological characteristics of sexual violence

A survey sent to 8000 women and 8000 men found that their partner had victimized approximately 50% of the women raped by an intimate partner and 66% of women physically assaulted by an intimate partner multiple times (16, 2003). It is further shocking that globally as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by their intimate partner. Research of the individual health threat origins shows that sexual violence is one of the most serious public health problems with a long-term physical and mental health complications that involve considerable social and public health costs. For example, the number of sexual violence cases affect up to 33% of women, there are also studies where 53% of cases of sexual violence where adolescent pregnant women are noted (1, 2008). World Health Organization World Report on Violence and Health recognizes that sexual violence results in an increased health risks associated with several body systems, such as, neural, cardiovascular, gastrointestinal, urogenital, reproductive, musculoskeletal, immune and endocrine systems (37, 2002). The study of child sex abuse in Latvia highlighted that yearly at least 1000 children suffer from the sexual abuse, although it is presumed that this figure may be considerably higher, up to 5000 (22, 2007). In addition to the negative impact of sexual violence on the physical and mental health, studies reveal that experiencing violence in childhood and adolescence increases the likelihood of experiencing such violence in adulthood (19, 2011).
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