In this paper, I use a practice-led research methodology to reflect on the dilemmas of representing women’s sexuality in Treading Air (forthcoming 2016), a novel of historical fiction. The creative work is based on the life of Lizzie O’Dea, alias Betty Knight, who lived in Townsville and Brisbane during the interwar period. I uncovered Lizzie O’Dea’s story in the National Library of Australia’s digitised newspaper archives. Lizzie’s criminal record was described as ‘unenviable’ (Townsville Daily Bulletin 5 Aug, 1928). Many of Lizzie O’Dea’s crimes in Townsville occurred in or around The Causeway Hotel and Heraud Street, known as a red light district. The newspaper articles reveal that, as a criminal and prostitute, Lizzie O’Dea was subject to a set of discourses that, at once, exposed her to the public gaze and excluded her from the ‘proper’ realm of the domestic housewife. However, the decade of the 1920s was one of shifting attitudes towards sexuality, particularly as a result of women’s suffrage, which lobbied against the earlier view that sex work was a necessary evil, advocating instead that conditions for women could be improved by giving women equal wages (Frances 2007). This paper proposes that fiction, as Greenblatt (1998: 525) conceives of it, is a space to ‘survey a complex new world, testing upon it dark thoughts without damaging the order those thoughts would seem to threaten’. The paper demonstrates how the tensions between discourses of women’s criminality and sexuality can be explored through the representations of a historical figure based on newspaper articles found in the archives.
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The hypothesis that endogenous risk is present in insurance operations was motivated by the finding that AIG conducted the business operations that ultimately required the intervention of the U.S. government in 2008, during a period in which the company was relatively underperforming against a self-defined peer group. As shown in Table (1), the corporate management of the company itself was admitting that the alternative investment opportunities for its shareholders were becoming more appealing. The model of endogenous risk suggests that this motivated the company to shift risk from shareholders to policyholders in order to improve its shareholder compensation. That the company was in general engaging in risk shifting was evidenced by Ch.4, given that the company increased its dividend payout even immediately before receiving governmental support in late 2008. This allows to believe that the company also actively administrated its dividend during the period before 2008. With respect to the preferences of its investor clientele, anecdotal evidence suggests similarities to the ones identified in the German insurance market during the Interwar period: “AIG, after the so-called Decade of Greed in the 1980s merged away dozens of blue-chip stocks, had thus become a ’widows and orphans‘ stock, a core holding for those interested in long-term safety of their investments.” 230
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The substantial growth in labour productivity might indicate a story of “haves” and “have - nots”. If Surridge‟s estimates were correct and 25% of the rural population in Cyprus were below the poverty line, then it is likely that these persons were not fully participating in the n ation‟s economy (Surridge, 1930). The population was rising rapidly in both Malta and Cyprus, while labour productivity was rising at a faster rate than per capita GDP. Thus employment grew slower than population; as a result more and more people must have become unemployed or underemployed. This suggests that the limited spoils of the islands‟ lacklustre growth were not shared equally. This has not been indicated in the bibliography, but if factual, these underutilised labourers might have been behind the increasing political violence that struck Cyprus and Malta in the 1930s. This pattern of unequal distribution of the gains of growth seems to have also occurred in interwar Turkey and Egypt; similar arguments have been used to explain the limited urbanization in these countries during the interwar period, since “real wages increased for those who had a job, but unemployed migrants could not hope to benefit from urban life... thus the rural people remained in their villages and tried to make both ends meet” (Rothermund, 1996).
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As was mentioned in the previous section, in the past three decades, the Great Depression has been increasingly considered a global phenomenon not only because it a¤ected many countries, but mainly because of the global character of its transmission. Indeed, several papers (Choudhri and Kochin 1980, Eichengreen and Sachs 1985, Temin 1989, Eichengreen 1992, Bernanke and James 1991, Bernanke and Carey 1996) examined possible transmission mechanisms and concluded that the International Great Depression had its roots in the interwar Gold Standard (often called gold exchange standard). The times of the interwar period Gold Standard were the times of capital mobility and …xed exchange rates which meant that high interest rates in one country led to high interest rates in the rest of the countries on Gold Standard as a result of interest rate arbitrage. Hence a de‡ationary policy in one country could have been transmitted to other countries through the operation of the Gold Standard regime. That explanation has called for further investigation of the channels through which the decline of money supply a¤ected real economic activities; in other words, to explain the non- neutrality of money. Extensive research over the past decades has found that distortions on the labor and capital markets caused the decline of money supply to a¤ect real economy. In this section, we discuss the …ndings of that literature.
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As this is a thesis chiefly concerned with a significant cultural shift in relation to values and beliefs, and to some extent the influence of those on the development and institution of public policy in Launceston, the role of the LCC is central to the analysis. From 1853, public policy in the city has been largely determined by the LCC. By the time Launceston was declared a city in 1889, the authority and capacity of the local council was well established. To a lesser extent, the Launceston Marine Board (LMB) also determined policy - Progressive or not - and that too has been taken into consideration. During the period covered by this thesis, the LCC was lobbied and influenced in its determination of public policy by four basic groups: the State Government, the media, business/professional groups and the general population. Even private initiatives had to be approved by the LCC and so to some extent it was involved in all Progressive activity that occurred within the city. Particularly with regard to infrastructure investment, the LCC was often the only body with both the authority and resources to act on certain problems. In a legislative sense it was responsible for a greater range of issues than it is as a municipal authority today, including the prevention and care of infectious disease, roads and welfare relief. During the interwar period, the aldermen of the LCC acted increasingly as a filter for the transnational reform ideas being absorbed by its largely professional population of local Progressives. Some of the central Progressive voluntary organisations to emerge in Launceston during this period were the LFTL, the reformed Tasmanian Cremation Society (TCS) and the Launceston Town Planning Association (LTPA). To a large extent it is the debate rather than the execution of policy that is crucial to this thesis. A policy does not have to have been initiated to be relevant, only considered. In fact, often, what did not happen is just as relevant as what did.
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During the First World War, bells were seized from several Romanian chur- ches and used to produce munitions. That is why in the interwar period the communities endeavored to buy new bells. For example, new bells have been received by the churches of MĆrghita, Mesici, OmoliĦa, Seleuü, Romanian Sack, Toracu-Mare, Uzdin, VladimirovĆĦ, VlaicovĆĦ etc.
It seems that the scarcity of land in Malta (as shown in Table 3) resulted in a shift towards intensive forms of agriculture much earlier that in other SEES. Unlike other SEES, land under cereals in Malta could not be easily transferred to other products. The unique geographical environment of Malta meant that cereal production in Malta was taking place on thin, marginal Xaghra soil were other remunerative uses were hard to find 13 . Cereal production in Malta seems to have been productive: if the reliability of the wheat and barley estimates shown in Figure 5 are to be trusted, Malta was already more productive in terms of yield of tons per hectare than other SEES states while using marginal land 14 . Malta’s economic structure in the interwar period was very different than
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With the recent souring of relations between China and the United States, the notion of trade wars is no longer consigned to academic treatments of the disastrous interwar period. Indeed, trade wars have re-emerged as a topic of considerable interest to policymakers. Naturally, outside observers—whether they are academics, the general public, or the investment community—have been quick to draw parallels between recent changes in commercial policy and the experience of the world economy during and after the Great Depression. But what precisely were the causes and consequences of the trade wars in the 1930s? Were there perhaps deeper forces at work in reorienting global trade prior to the outbreak of World War II? And what lessons may this particular historical episode provide for the present day? This paper takes its purpose in providing some answers to these questions, but also in emphasizing the limits of historical parallels across two time periods with some common features but emerging from very different environments.
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The development of commercial associations, intent on lobbying parliament, were not the only potential sources of political pressure to emerge in Lancashire in this period. The Combination Laws did not prevent the formation of employers’ associations in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, even though they made them illegal. There remained, for instance, the vestiges of paternalism in domestic sectors with combinations emerging to protect handloom weavers. In addition, from the 1830s onwards true employers’ associations began to emerge. These were in response to a range of forces including waves of labour unrest and trade union activity, such as occurred in Preston in 1836 and 1853-4, changes in profit margins due to altered market conditions and the effects of increased government intervention such as came with the extension of the Factory Acts. By the 1860s employers’ associations were active in Ashton, Blackburn, Bolton, Burnley, Hyde, Manchester, Oldham, Stockport and Wigan. (McIvor 1996: 36-7; Howe 1984: 162-4, 175) In general these remained local organisations in this period though the Manchester Committee and the National Association of Factory Occupiers, formed respectively in 1833 and 1855, represented broader groupings to oppose factory legislation. Accordingly the Manchester Committee represented the interests of eight major textile towns, while Robert Hyde Greg’s National Association of Factory Occupiers had an even wider representation. (Howe 1984: 179)
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postwar years. Until the 1920’s, eastern or southern Europeans commonly were regarded as “non‐white”. After that decade and particularly during the 1960’s and 1970’s “white” Americans increasingly developed a “white identity” for all Americans with a European background, regardless of their country of origin. That certainly supported the Burgenländers’ integration in their new society because they now were regarded as part of a “white“ American population, not as member of a “non‐white” minority. According to Kazal, three interwar (and wartime) events can be held responsible for those changes. Firstly, the moving by of tens of thousands of black Southerners into the cities of the North during the 1910’s and 1920’s – the years of the
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The differences between the UK and the US regimes were recognised by commentators in the 1920s and 1930s. This was a significant period for company regulation in both countries, as it included the establishment of the SEC and the debate surrounding the 1929 Companies Act. The comparisons drawn at the time between UK and US practice are of interest because of the light they throw on differing attitudes and priorities on either side of the Atlantic. A comparison also allows patterns of influence to be traced – ie the extent to which practice on one side was shaped by experience on the other. The evidence of this paper suggests that there was considerable awareness in each regime of the other’s practice, and also that there were strong parallels between the issues faced by preparers and users of accounts. This makes the divergence of outcomes all the more interesting. The present paper concludes that the different legislative outcomes reflect differences in the relationship between the accounting profession, the state and the fractions of capital, and questions the ability of the “Anglo-Saxon” model to subsume all aspects of two sometimes divergent systems of governance.
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prepared, in fact, the ground for our wanderings through the transition. Economic development strategies and social harmonization of the country were mired in the transition period in a few axioms and slogans loaded false perceptions about Romania wars and economic history of the country and the world in general. Propaganda initiatives fate Romanian village in the communist period, as confirmed by statistics, is a typical, but not the only one handling the effects today are beginning to look more and more obvious "fruits".
Speaking schematically, we can say that the nationalization of previously multinational political space generated three interlocking forms of nationalism – all quite distinct from the state-seeking nationalisms on which the literature on nationalist politics has focused. The first is what I call the “nationalizing” nationalism of newly independent (or newly reconfigured) states. This involves claims made in the name of a “core nation” or nationality, defined in ethnocultural terms, and sharply distinguished from the citizenry as a whole. The core nation is understood as the legitimate “owner” of the state, and the state is conceived as the state of and for the core nation. Yet despite having “its own” state, the core nation is represented as being in a weak or embattled cultural, economic, or demographic position within the state. This is seen as a legacy of discrimination against the nation before it attained independence. This putative discrimination, in turn, it is held to justify the “remedial” or “compensatory” project of using state power to promote the specific interests of the core nation. Examples of such nationalizing states include Poland, Romania, and to a lesser extent Czechoslovakia in the interwar period; and Estonia, Latvia, Kazakhstan, Slovakia, Croatia, and of course Serbia today. 7
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Complementary to those above mentioned, it must also be underlined that the left-wing communists as well as the right-wing radicals in the interwar period, will attempt new coalitions and bonds between the political forces and the masses, in favor or against the state, through mass organizations and large political parties. Within this framework and limiting our reference to the case of Greece, the regime of the 4rth of August and the left-wing communist party in the interwar period, both being factors of modernization of the Greek society, as well as the forces of ΕΑΜ in the occupation period, will establish institutions and organizations that outreach the educational goals expressed through liberal education. The roles of “citizen–soldier” and “mother–wife” are now enriched to include the active participation of the masses in the political fights through organizational schemes that extend from a local or strictly professional level to a nationwide network and central escalation. Especially the role of woman, limited in the role of mother and wife, as expressed within the framework of a successful biopolitics, has now gained new aspects in the public sphere, as women participate in organizations such as ΕΟΝ or ΕPΟΝ or just like the occupation period even join the armed forces. Ever since the 4rth of August Regime (dictatorship of Metaxas), ΕΟΝ will see to the “addiction” of the Greek society from the presence of young girls in the public sphere in the context of a politically oriented institution (Vervenioti, 1994: 83 – 92).
In sum, the importance of financial and monetary linkages for propelling the Great Depression is well-established. However, evidence on the trade channel is much scarcer. Using back-of-the-envelope calculations, Grossman and Meiss- ner (2010) and Irwin (2012) discuss to what extent the fall of global trade was a consequence and cause of the Depression. The more indirect evidence cited above corroborates the potential relevance of the trade channel. Given these in- dications, the first part of the thesis aims to provide a thorough investigation of the importance of trade for spreading the Great Depression. Two ingredients are needed for this analysis. Chapter 2 provides a novel macroeconomic dataset for the interwar period, which includes estimates of monthly economic activity in- dices for 28 countries. Unlike existing datasets, it thus provides a large number of data points in the cross-sectional and time-series dimension. Based on these new data, Chapter 3 introduces a, to the best of my knowledge, novel empirical strat- egy to explore the power of the trade channel. The results emanating from these chapters suggest that the trade channel was more important than reflected in the historiography. It thus serves as a complementary explanation for the transmis- sion of the Great Depression. 32 If so, studying trade policies (Chapter 4) and costs (Chapter 5) is imperative. The concluding chapter will tie the first and sec- ond part of this thesis together by speculating about the role of protectionism for the global fall of incomes. Before beginning the analysis, however, it is useful to ask a historiographic question. If the assertions about the literature above and the evidence presented in this thesis are warranted, why is there relatively little evidence on the trade channel? The following section of this introduction argues that this paucity can be understood in light of the historiography’s evolution and the computational constraints of the past.
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Based on our personal knowledge of thirty different Bulgarian textbooks on history from the 1878-1944 period, we insist on noting that this is simply not true. We insist on noting that the textbooks in ques- tion are completely and overtly nationalist, especially those from the interwar period which complied with the official requirements formulated in the notorious Memorandum on National Education No. 12353 dated 17 October 1913; that there were no hidden agendas and stereotypes about the neighbours because the stereotypes about the neighbours were entirely ex- plicit and they were even highlighted as “lessons” for Bulgarian society at the time in many textbooks; that after the 1919 Treaty of Neuilly, the image of the great powers (and hence of Europe) in them is quite nega- tive. If there is a “hidden agenda”, it is in the author’s attempt to represent the pre-1944 textbooks as being entirely “European” in the following way:
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Table 1 presents the military burden statistics for the sample countries. For the purpose of comparability I have excluded the figures of the Great War 6 . The sample covers almost all the relevant countries of each period under scrutiny. Unfortunately, data on the nominal GDP of the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey, Serbia, Chile, Poland and the Soviet Union are not available to build their correspondent military burden. Data for China are also scattered. Unlike previous studies, this paper offers a wider coverage of the independent countries and for the first time compares new political entities and old-established countries in the interwar period 7 . In the pre-World War I era Latin American countries have been added and also observed in the interwar years. Even though Romania and Bulgaria became independent in 1878 and 1908 respectively, they are included in the sample only from the early twenties onward because of data’s paucity.
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acknowledged  the progressive movements and breaks with the past, particularly through the drainage movement and thus the inevitable loss of traditional rural landscapes. During the first nation-state, the so-called Ulmanis regime strove for gaining more agricultural lands by draining wetlands, turning meadows into arable lands and clearing forests, while in the Soviet period the emphasis lay on improving the existing agricultural lands with more industrial means. Although both regimes urged for high yields, the means to reach these ends were utterly different. During Soviet times, decisions were mainly based on abstract agro-scientific findings or pure ideology and were implemented as if the land was an experimental ground usually with no in-depth investigation of place, ecological or historical contexts and mutedly tolerated by society [3, 7, 13]. Undoubtedly, at the time of the autocratic reign of productivist ideas, agro- polders were a testimony to productivity – the means to disavow the unproductive past and to demonstrate the Soviet scientific and technological supremacy over nature and traditional ways of managing wetlands . Today these agro-polders are one of the main still-functioning signatures of the Soviet productivist landscape. The majority of these polders are now as if outside their own time, outmoded both by their idea and practicalities and represent the short-living productivist ensembles that were constructed “in the blinding lights of the century”, citing the words of Agamben  on the contemporaneity, that is, in the era of modernism as some sort of salvation promised by technological progress.
This chapter examines the effects that the Second World War had on education in England and Wales. The Second World War came at the end of a very problematic time in the history of education as the austerity measures of the interwar years had been at odds with the planned reforms. Elementary education remained in an uneasy middle ground, hindered on one hand by the prestigious secondary schools, and the difficulties of reorganisation on the other. During the five years from 1939 to 1945 over a million children were evacuated or displaced in some way and their education suffered accordingly. This important period in education history is often overlooked despite the fact that evacuation has long been considered by some historians as one of the most influential factors in the drive towards post-war social reconstruction. This has been a matter for debate but it is certainly true that education came under close scrutiny during the war time period and there were continuing demands from the Labour Party, teachers’ unions and other organisations for reform. Evacuation revealed, in particular the state of elementary education, and it became evident that changes would need to be made.
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Marginal analysis proper applies only when the maximund function is continuous at the maximand. It means that the principle at issue is that of equalizing marginal values: in dividing a fixed quantity of anything among a number of competing uses, "efficient" allocation implies that each unit of this dividend is apportioned in such a way that the gainof transferring it to one use will just equal theloss involved in withdrawing it from another. Whether we refer to allocating a fixed income among a number of consumer goods, or a fixed outlay among a number of productive factors, or a given amount of time between work and leisure, the principle always remain same. Moreover, in each case the allocation problem has a maximum solution if and only if the process of transferring a unit of the dividend to a single use among all the possible uses is subject to diminishing results. The whole of neo classical economics is nothing more than the spelling out of this principle in ever wider context joined with the demonstration that under definite conditions, perfect competition does in fact produce equimarginal allocation of expenditures and resources. It is easy to see that the euqimarginal principle refers only to definite quantities of money, resources, or time to be distributed, and has only as much significance as the initial assumption of a fixed dividend. Economic theory in the period 1870-1914 consisted almost wholly of static microeconomics based squarely on the equimarginal rule.
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