Interesting effects were found regarding suppression / intrusions and the valence of the dreamt-of emotional experiences. Neither thought suppression nor intrusions had significant effects on dreaming of positive emotional experiences from waking life, but both dimensions had significant effects on dreaming of negative emotional waking-life experiences: specifically, those that contained sadness, anger, anxiety, and fear. The only negative emotion for which there was no significant difference was guilt, and this is likely due to the floor effect for this variable. These results build on previous research showing that thought suppression leads to dream rebound (Bryant et al., 2011; Taylor & Bryant, 2007; Wegner et al., 2004), and point to a specific effect for negatively valenced thoughts in dream rebound.
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Horton, in prep.): emotions may provide unconscious information about which experiences from waking life are important to be stored in the memory system, and so we may preferentially incorporate emotional memories in order to assimilate important information. Support for this idea comes from emotional memory research, which has shown that emotional stimuli are better recalled than neutral ones (Anderson et al., 2006; Atienza & Cantero, 2008), and that emotions facilitate recall even more than the purposeful effort to recall (Heuer & Reisberg, 1990). Moreover, in relation to the point that it is the intensity and not the valence of emotions that is crucial, Walker and van der Helm (2009) noted that memory encoding is facilitated by emotional arousal in a similar way in the brain in relation both to negative and positive stimuli. Additionally, it has been shown that sleep ‘unbinds’ the emotional elements of memories for selective consolidation (Payne et al., 2008), again demonstrating how emotions seem to guide the process of determining which memories are chosen for encoding during sleep. The widespread evidence for the role of emotion in memory has led to one dream researcher suggesting that emotion ‘tells’ us what is important to recall and that this is why dreams selectively incorporate emotional experiences (Hartmann, 2010). It is not suggested that dreams selectively incorporate emotional experiences simply for the strengthening and enhanced recall of those experiences; rather, with many modern memory consolidation theories, it is suggested that emotional memories are incorporated into dreams in order to be integrated or assimilated into the wider memory system (Payne, 2010; Wamsley & Stickgold, 2011).
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In investigations of the timescale of incorporations of waking life events and concerns into dreams, the occurrence in dreams of references to waking life events from 1-2 days before the dream, known as the day-residue effect, has consistently been reported (e.g., Nielsen, Kuiken, Alain, Stenstrom, & Powell, 2004; Blagrove et al., 2014; van Rijn et al., 2015). The current study uses a prospective diary and incorporation identification method, previously used in dream research (van Rijn et al., 2015), so as to investigate the timescale of incorporation of waking life events and concerns into daydreams. The method used here distinguishes between major concerns (MCs) and personally significant events (PSEs), a distinction emphasised by Domhoff (2017), using the structured diary method of Fosse, Fosse, Hobson and Stickgold (2003). The main hypothesis is that daydreams will show a day- residue effect, that is, recent experiences will have a greater level of representation in daydreams than do older experiences. However, whereas for REM dreams the day-residue effect is found for PSEs and not MCs, we do not specify which of PSEs or MCs will show this day-residue effect, or whether both will.
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Sleep quality was assessed due to its known relationship with sleep paralysis (Denis et al., 2015) and because sleep disruption can induce sleep paralysis episodes (Takeuchi et al., 1992, 2002). We examined waking state experiences relevant to both experiences. Daydreaming frequency and style were assessed due to suggestions that dreaming and daydreaming share similarities, such as their association with the same neural networks (Domhoff and Fox, 2015; Fox et al., 2013). Dissociative experiences were examined because previous research has associated uncontrollable and negative sleep experiences (e.g. sleep paralysis) with more severe daytime dissociative experiences but not between dissociative experiences and lucid dreaming (Gies- brecht and Merckelbach, 2006; van der Kloet et al., 2012; Watson, 2001). Trait mindfulness was measured to serve as a parallel for lucidity in waking life experiences and was expected to play an opposite role to dissociative experiences. We also examined individual differences in waking sensory imagery to explore whether this translated to greater vivid- ness of the hallucinatory content of sleep paralysis and lucid dreams.
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Although qualitative research such as the present study is limited in that it is not generalizable, it has the potential to uncover hitherto unnoticed aspects of continuity that can be carried forward and researched quantitatively and using methods that enable generalizability. For example, Bulkeley and Bulkeley (2005) discovered through inductive analysis of dreams that transportation dreams may represent the journey towards death; this was later supported by quantitative, objective, blind analysis by Bulkeley (2012) of a different set of dreams. Additionally, it is not necessary for interviews and thematic analysis to be conducted together; though this was the chosen method for the present study, interviews could also be analysed with a more quantitative method of analysis, such as content analysis. For example, themes could be determined by frequency only, thus combining qualitative and quantitative methods. Nevertheless the benefits of the present method made use of subjective awareness of waking life as well as dream activity from the dreamers, which facilitated insight into the nature of wake-dream continuity, which traditional experimenter ratings of dream activity would have missed.
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Although the rationale for the findings of this study con- cerned frontal theta, we acknowledge that as we did not have a full array of control regions for EEG, it was not possible to fully explore to what extent the effect was specific to the frontal re- gion. The effect was also found for neighboring central electro- des using the last REM sample, although not significantly so for the all REM sample nor for judge scored incorporations. That the effect might be present for central regions is plausible. By comparing REM sleep awakenings that were followed by a dream report vs those not followed by a dream report, Marzano et al. (2011) reported differences in theta power between the two conditions that exhibited a topography spreading to central and left temporal areas, although only in frontal areas was the asso- ciation of theta power with dream recall significant. Accordingly, future studies should use a larger number of elec- trodes to refine the involvement of frontal and neighboring cen- tral and temporal regions in the correlation between the number of recent waking-life experiences incorporated into REM dreams and REM theta power.
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materialists try to subvert the anti-physicalist meme of zombies by proudly proclaiming: ‘I am a zombie’ (e.g. Garfield 2016: 75). However I am afraid that I am not saying anything so radical and exciting, so no: I do not think this is a dream. I do not think I have ever seriously entertained the thought that this might really be a dream; not in the sense of not already being sure at the moment the issue arises, and consequently having to decide one way or the other. Moreover, I am certain that the position that this is a dream is not entailed by my theory. For if this is a dream, then the world which transcends it is the objective one. But according to my theory, the world that transcends what I call ‘waking life’ (the kind I am now engaged in), is not the objective world, but rather (in the final context) the independently existing reality, i.e. transcendent reality. Hence according to my theory, this is not a dream; the implication is squarely built into it.
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A number of dependent variables were measured. In the di- ary phase, word counts of reports were taken along with four rating scales (as completed by the participant): emo- tionality, comprehensibility, personal importance/salience (from hereon referred to as, “importance”), and surprise, as used and described by Horton, Moulin and Conway (2009). Dream characters were listed and identified as familiar (had been encountered in waking life, or were recognisable, such as a character from a television programme) or unfamil- iar. The number of familiar and unfamiliar characters were counted by the research team. Detail and episodic richness scores were assigned to the reports as based upon the rat- ings of the Autobiographical Memory Interview (AMI; Kopel- man, Wilson & Baddeley, 1989) on a scale of 0-3. A detail score of 3 concerned a detailed personal memory that is specific in place and time. A score of 2 involved either “a specific personal memory with few or no details” or “a less specific event in which time and place are recalled”. A score of 1 depicted “a vague personal memory” or “an incident that occurred on multiple occasions but no single instance is recalled”. Memories corresponding to the latter definition omitted any references to the unique episodic nature of the memory. Similarly a score of 0 denoted either no recollec- tion or a response based on general knowledge. The epi- sodic richness score is a basic extension of the detail score, although refers to the specificity of the occurrence. Elabora- tions almost always contained sensory-perceptual informa- tion. A score of 3 denoted a memory response “…rich in de- tail, containing at least 2 elaborations, and [that] evokes an impression of true re-experiencing”. A score of 2 denoted a response with “moderate detail” also containing at least 2 elaborations. 1 point referred to “limited detail and/or limited elaboration of events” and reports scored 0 contained no episodic information. All quotes were taken from the AMI scoring guidelines (Kopelman, Wilson and Baddeley, 1989).
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The film was shot live action and then rotoscoped and the final results are amazing as the actors can be easily recognized. Shot from a hot air balloon to achieve the floating flow of a dream, the characters drift within it. By the end Wiley realizes he is in a lucid dream. Lucid dreaming also called dream consciousness or conscious dreaming is the act of consciously perceiving and recognizing that one is dreaming. While such experience befalls one during sleep, one gains a more cogent (lucid) control over the content and quality of the experience. This occurrence from start to finish is a lucid dream, in other words dreaming while knowing you are dreaming. The animation gives the Waking Life that other world ethereal quality. There is research that indicates that some insights into the working of the brain can be found by lucid dreaming. One feature that is found in lucid dreaming is that the dreamer will be walking around in the dream world, knowing he/she is dreaming retaining a full sense of identity and waking memories yet at the same time believing that the door can be opened with a fish not a key (almost all lucid dreams contain this kind of phenomenon). This is contrary to the normal experience of brain malfunctions which are more general, such as wholesale memory loss or broad emotional imbalance. Yet this is applicable to David Aames’ experience in Vanilla Sky. Everything appears to be logical except his inability to see his own face or the face of his girlfriend (this is assuming that psychosis can be manifested in lucid dreaming).
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affect, and good relations with others. Low scorers on this scale have been associated with narcissistic and anti-‐social tendencies (Costa & McCrae, 1992). To conclude, those who score high on the Emotionality dimension scale, low on Agreeableness scale and low on Honesty-‐ Humility scale face more stresses in their waking life internally or externally. As Schredl (2003) reported, people suffering waking stress are more likely to experience negative dreams. Additionally, this group of people experience more negative emotions in their waking life and thus, the observation was also substantiated by the proposition of Hartmann (1991, 1998) who saw intense dreaming emotion as the representation of emotion in waking life, be it negative or positive. Lastly, the stresses and negative emotions in the waking life are likely to
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Only infants from singleton pregnan- cies were included in the analyses. The infants were categorized according to the number of night waking episodes in the previous 15 days. Frequent night waking infants were de ﬁ ned as those who woke up more than average in the previous 15 days. To establish a cutoff point, the rationale was that among infants presenting night waking, the mean number and SD of night waking episodes were calculated (1.8 6 0.9). Values above the mean + 1SD were positive for this variable and, there- fore, infants usually waking up more than 3 times a night were considered as presenting frequent night waking. For the analyses, a hierarchical model was used to control for potential con- founders, and only variables associated to the outcome (P , .2) were kept in the regression. Prevalence ratios and 95% con ﬁ dence intervals (95% CIs) were obtained through Poisson regression with robust variance. Because the lo- cally measured levels of caffeine in ﬁ l- tered coffee were substantially lower than the international reference levels of 80 mg of caffeine per 150 mL of ﬁ l- tered coffee, 11 analyses were repeated
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Where a signal was presented at a level that caused arousal, awakenings within 10 seconds of signal onset were found to be more common than at any other time, and this applied especially to the square wave sounds and tactile signals. After 10 seconds of a signal being presented some sensory adaptation may be occurring, reducing the chances of waking up as the signal continues. Other studies have reported that the chance of waking up in the first 30 seconds of a signal presentation are higher than subsequently (Bruck et al. 2004; Du Bois et al. 2005) but this is the first study that breaks awakenings down to within 10 seconds of signal onset. 25 The implications of this are that consideration should be given to inserting a pause after every two or three sets of the T-3 pattern (where each set is of 4 seconds duration). Exactly how long the pause should be would require further study. One example would be a continuous pattern of 12 seconds ON (three T-3 sets), followed by 12 seconds OFF, followed by 12 seconds ON etc. This finding also suggests that in studies of arousal thresholds to alarms it is ecologically more valid for the alarm to cut in from silence.
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The main aim of this study was to determine the likelihood of children aged from 5 to 15 years waking up to their home smoke alarm set off for 30 seconds under the same sound level conditions (e.g. bedroom door open, ajar or closed) as would apply on a typical night at home. The study also explored the extent to which the children recognized the sound of their smoke alarm if it woke them during the night and whether or not they knew that they should evacuate the home on hearing the smoke alarm sound. Information about the normal location of home smoke alarms relative to the child’s sleeping arrangements was also of interest.
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suggest that this occurs in conjunction with increased preference for the side sleep position. It is likely therefore that the adoption of the side sleep position in the older age group affords protection from waking cervico-thoracic symptoms. This finding is of note when one considers the increased potential in older people for compromised spinal performance due to degenerative disease or habitual postures. The adoption of the side sleep position in the older age group and the concomitant decrease in prone sleep position may be attributable to a combination of the physical and physiological changes that occur with age.
Statistical analysis was undertaken using the logistic regression procedure in SAS Version 8.2. A causal model was proposed of putative exposures (medical condition, medication use, nocturnal bruxism, disrupted sleep, alcohol consumption, cervical injury/accident, gender, age, and sleep position categories) as predictors of an interim outcome variable (sleep quality), and then with main outcomes of waking cervical symptoms and combined retiring and waking symptoms. The strengths of association were expressed as odds ratios (OR -- 95% Confidence Intervals). Significant associations were identified when the value of 1 did not lie between the confidence intervals.
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This study aimed to explore the link between REM frontal theta activity and the references to recent waking-life experien- ces in REM dreams, given that 80% of awakenings from REM sleep are followed by a dream report (Nielsen, 2000). Following Schredl’s (2006) finding that the majority of waking-life referen- ces in dreams are from the previous 2 days, recent experiences were defined as those occurring on the 2 days before the dream, while older memories were defined as from the 8 days before this, all recorded using a 10 day diary. Specifically, we hypothe- sized that frontal theta power in REM sleep would be positively correlated with number of recent experiences incorporated into REM dreams. By contrast, older experiences and memories, hypothesized to have already been processed in the preceding nights, should no longer be mediated by such oscillations. The association between REM theta activity and wakefulness- related dream content could thus decrease or even disappear for older memories. To test our hypothesis, we explored the correlation between frontal theta power and the number of re- cent vs older wakefulness-related dream incorporations using all the REM dreams collected per participant. In addition, a sep- arate analysis was conducted using the final (i.e. latest) REM dream of each participant, following the view of a sequential processing of memories across the night, as a result of the suc- cessive cycles of SWS and REM sleep (Giuditta et al., 1995; Ambrosini and Giuditta, 2001; Walker and Stickgold, 2010; Giuditta, 2014), and accordingly that REM-sleep memory proc- essing would only emerge fully after earlier sleep cycles had been completed.
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The Independent (September 28 th , 2000), in similar fashion, carried a story (in the ‘Features’ section of the paper) entitled ‘Health: The fast asleep club’. ‘For sufferers from narcolepsy’, the paper notes, ‘fighting weariness is a way of life. They live everyday as if the previous 48 hours have been sleepless’. Sufferers are then drawn into the storyline, such as Kerry James, (a college lecturer), who became so bad that she ‘frequently fell asleep during meetings, over meals and once even had to find an empty teaching room in which to take a nap on the floor’. Kerry, the reader is told, was eventually diagnosed with narcolepsy and since then she has been taking Provigil, which means she ‘can now go virtually through the day without needing to nap’.
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By reading Pope Francis’ Joy of the Gospel, it’s quickly obvious he is familiar with our obstacles in daily life. His carefully chosen words tenderly urge us to evaluate our course. It reminds me of a lighthouse gen- tly directing a lost ship to shore during rough waters. It’s often when there’s an emergency or threat of danger that we truly listen and hear words of wisdom and com- fort for guidance. This human condition is not a strange oddity, it’s a plight we’ve faced since the beginning of time. The characters have changed, but the stories remain similar.
There are two general instances when an AM is removed by a subject: 1) during sleep, and 2) intermittently during waking hours (Figure 1A). Therefore in our simulation study, we wished to differentiate between AM removal during sleeping and waking hours in the 24 HR dataset. The first step in this simulation study was to estimate when subjects woke up and went to sleep using the data collected from the AM (not using subject self-report). These estimates were necessary because preliminary anal- yses indicated significant inconsistencies between self- reported waking and sleeping times, and obvious move- ment in the AM dataset. Also, subjects occasionally failed to report when they woke up or went to sleep. Since there are no sleep detection procedures for the waist-worn Acti- graph AM, we developed a computer program using SAS((modified from Sadeh et al. ). The predicted waking and sleeping times from the computer program were compared to those reported by the subjects and by visually inspecting the daily data on a relative scale (posi- tive and negative signs included) and an absolute scale (positive and negative signs ignored). The computer pro- gram predicted waking and sleeping times (relative and absolute differences) within -3.6 (30.8) minutes and +34.9 (60.3) minutes, respectively, when compared to those reported by the subjects in their daily activity logs. The computer program predicted waking and sleeping times within -6.0 (16.0) minutes and +34.6 (36.0) min- utes, respectively, when compared to visual inspection of the data. The differences between the visual inspection of the data and self-report were -5.4 (32.3) minutes for wak- ing times and +2.1 (41.0) minutes for sleeping times. The second step was to simulate the effect of data loss due to AM removal during sleep. There are two general ways investigators treat the zeroes produced during sleep when AMs are removed: (1) include the zeroes in all estimates of PA [18,24,30], or (2) measure PA during waking hours only by removing the data observed during sleep [16,31,32]. Therefore, to simulate the effect of AM removal, we replaced the minute-by-minute data recorded during sleep from the 24 HR database with zeroes (Simu-
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We know that more deep sleep occurs in younger children than older people, that the density of the power spectrum during sleep decreases with advancing age, 5 and that the likelihood of arousal at lower volumes increases with age. 19 It was found in an earlier study on alarms 4 that the younger children (6-10 years) were more likely to sleep through alarm signals than older ones (11-15 years). Extrapolating from this data and what we know about sleep, we can assume that children aged below 6 years will generally be harder to arouse than the children tested in the studies reported here. In the course of a Study 1 re- enactment for the media a younger sibling (aged 5) of some participants also awoke to the voice alarms. Interestingly, he became distressed on hearing the actor’s voice, hid under the bedcovers and needed comforting. This did not happen when he heard his mother’s voice as the alarm signal. This anecdote may be worth following up to see if other young children also find an urgent, unfamiliar voice distressing just after waking up. In the absence of any findings to the contrary it should be assumed that most preschool children will need to be awoken and/or directed to safety by other members of the household in the event of a fire.
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