The analysis of OI errors in Wh- questions was restricted to non-subject questions that contained both a Wh- word and a main verb 3 . As with the analysis of OI errors in declaratives, the main focus of this analysis was on determining whether the utterances produced by the children and the models were marked for finiteness. For English, this means that the source of ambiguity that exists in declarative utterances is removed. In English Wh- questions, finiteness marking is carried by the modal or auxiliary. Thus, any utterance that contains a non-finite verb and lacks a modal or auxiliary (e.g. Where go?) can automatically be classified as an OI error. It is therefore unnecessary to restrict the analysis of Wh- questions to utterances containing a third person singular subject. For Dutch, German and Spanish, the analysis proceeded in a similar manner. Utterances that contained a finite main verb or modal/auxiliary where classified as finite, whereas
In this paper, the Convenience Sampling is implemented in getting an inexpensive approximation of the truth. The target population of sample respondents is from ESL learners from Year Five in Sekolah Kebangsaan Siputeh, 06100 Kodiang, Kedah. The group is mixed of eleven -year –old ESL learners. The students are twenty males and twenty females from average level. The average level refers to the class where they are placed. For this research, 32 students from Class 5 Cemerlang and 8 students from Class 5 Arif are chosen. They are chosen as participants because of their English performance, which is average. Furthermore, these students are in failure or pass group. It means that, sometimes the students were able to pass their English test and sometimes they failed. The research instrument will include pre- test and post -test while interview is used as a method to see the respondents’ feedback towards the use of Graphic Organizer and WHQuestions. In pre-test, students will have thirty- five minutes during class time to complete this essay. The respondents will do the pre-test in the classroom. When introducing the assignment, teachers will tell students that grammar and spelling are not important. They should write as much as they can and focus on writing an essay that makes sense and discusses the topic in detail. So, the purpose is to look into how many number of words and number of sentences the students are able to produce.
Both the interrogative yang and declarative bahawa complementizers are specified with the D feature. The D feature of Malay yang requires that wh-phrases be arguments. In addition to the two overt complementizers, Malay also has a null complementizer which lacks both the wh, and the D features. Based on the analysis, we accounted for the way the relevant complementizers select an Argument versus a non-Argument as specifiers. We also showed how this choice of Argument specifier affects the way wh-questions are formed in Malay. The analysis in the paper contributes to the gap in the body of literature in generative Malay linguistics, particularly with regard to wh-question formation. Additionally, the findings will have implications for research in the process of acquisition of English as a second language (L2) by first language (L1) Malay speakers, with regard to wh-questions in this case. In other words, such knowledge can help us to explain the influence the L1 of standard Malay speakers has on the way they acquire English as an L2.
Moreover, they take questions as questions if there is a rising intonation, and the same sentences without rising intonation will be taken as declarative sentences at the early stages. This argues against Haznedar who takes the mere response to some yes/no questions as an indication for CP projection. The researcher also observed that from Sample 20 on the learners start to invert the Aux and this reaches to 100% by Sample 33, which is significantly later than when IP was fixed (around Sample 18) in their grammars. This means that the learners have acquired IP before CP is projected in their grammars and supports structure building regarding the initial stages in adult L2 acquisition, on one hand, and provides counter-evidence for FT/FA hypothesis which claims the early grammars project CP, on the other. This study also shows that different data collection methods can influence the rate of producing questions and data acquired through D and T provide a clearer picture of the initial state and the initial grammar better than what spontaneous data often do. Regarding wh-question formation, despite the fact that Farsi is a wh-in-situ language, there is not even one question in the whole corpus where wh remains in-situ in questions produced spontaneously, whereas all the questions made during translation tasks are in-situ. This again shows how the data collection method can affect results and emphasizes the unanalyzed nature of early wh-questions.
We realized the possibility to take profit of semantic role labeling (SRL) to map the question labels. As SRL is largely discussed in NLP community, it would be logical to start by SRL and deriving question labeling as automatically as possible. Notwithstanding, there is no corpus in Portuguese annotated with SRL. Implementing such kind of annotation in a Treebank of Portuguese would be very time-consuming and would affect the schedule of PorSimples. For this reason, we decided to start from wh-questions annotation, paying attention to details that make it possible to take profit of such annotation in future works related to SRL annotation.
characters of the DP in spec IP apart, nor the PP in complement position of VP. In (13), the question particle at the end of the sentence can be considered as a sentence affix attached to the head C. This assumption is on the right track because in archaic Chinese version the bamboo slips of Tao Te Ching, there is no question particle at the end of wh-question, and therefore it‟s appropriate to think that the question particle in archaic Chinese is not a syntactic constituent, but rather a phonetic element attached to end of the sentence at PF (Ma, 2017b). We follow this assumption that question particles in archaic Chinese is a sentence affix attached to the head C at the end of the sentence, and assume that in modern Chinese this is also the case. The question particle “ne” in modern Chinese wh-questions is also a sentence affix which is attached or adjoined to the head C at the end of the sentences. This question particle is not a syntactic constituent, but instead a phonetic element formulated and derived in the PF or at the syntax phonology interface. We also suppose that the Chinese language is a head last language and that the head C in Chinese wh-questions is located at the end of the sentence. If this assumption is correct, the question particle is a sentence affix attached to the head C at the end of the sentence, different from English in which the head C is in front of the sentences. Thus following (1) a simplified tree diagram of (12) should be (14) ：
v triggers movement of the verb ya?kulu to adjoin to it. The v' merges with the specifier mann to form a vP. Since v has an external argument then vP is a phase. The v, the head of the phase probes for a local (pro)nominal goal. It locates xubz with which it agrees and assigns accusative case. The VP, the domain of the vP phase undergoes transfer to the PF and LF components. The lower copy of the V receives a null spellout in the PF component. The VP is no longer accessible to any syntactic operations or probing from outside the vP. However, the syntactic computation continues by merging vP with T forming a TP which in turn merges with a null C head to form a C' and since C has an EF, it projects into a CP. The T is a probe; it searches for a goal and the only available goal is mann with which it agrees and assigns invisible nominative case, but doesn’t trigger movement because as said before T lacks an EPP feature. Now C is a probe; it has an EF which triggers mann movement to specifier CP. CP is a phase; TP is its complement. TP is sent to the PF and LF components. At the end of the derivation, the specifier mann and the head C are sent to the phonological and semantic components and the sentence is interpreted as an interrogative and we get the grammatical sentence in (8c). At this point, we can conclude that wh-questions in intransitive and transitive SA clauses can be moved to the left periphery of the clause and that extraction is admissible from object as well as subject positions. It is also important to note that up to this point, Chomsky’s phase-based theory applies in a principled fashion to the SA clause structures considered so far. What about multiple wh-questions in SA?
This study aimed to investigate the impact of using textual enhancement (TE) and input flood (IF) on learning restrictive relative clauses and wh-questions by Iranian Intermediate EFL learners. To this end, 60 intermediate EFL learners studying English at a language institutes were selected based on their performance on Oxford Quick Placement Test (OQPT), and were then divided into two groups. A pretest-posttest design was used in this study, and the instruments employed included the OQPT, a pretest, and a posttest. In the TE group, the participants received sentences in which the restrictive relative clauses and wh-questions were textually enhanced through boldfacing. In the second group, the target structures were taught through the IF technique. Both groups received the treatments in 10 sessions. To analyze the data, a set of paired- and independent-samples t-tests were run to respectively explore the statistically significant differences between pre-test and posttest scores and differences in the scores of the two groups. The obtained results revealed that both experimental groups benefited from the TE and IF techniques in learning restrictive relative clauses and wh- questions. Moreover, TE and IF had similar effects on learning relative clauses by the learners, but they had different effects on learning wh-questions, with TE having a greater effect on learning wh-questions than IF. The findings of the study offer some useful implications for L2 learners, teachers, material developers, and test designers.
Multiple WH-questions contain two or more WH-phrases, all of which are used to request information. Thus, in response to “Who ate What?” an appropriate answer would be Tom ate an apple, Many ate a banana and John ate an orange ; this answer supplies information for booth who and what. Sometimes there are more than two WH-questions , and languages differ in their treatment of these kinds of sentences. For example in typing to answer the questions what moves where, when in which language and why? Many linguists have been busy over the years. With the growth of generative linguistics and an increasing amount of research into language other than English, these answers have started to provide very interesting evidence for the debates concerning universal Grammar and language typology. In this study, the researcher contributes to an analysis and constrast of two-WH-questions in both Persian and English.
 argued that interrogatives are universally marked by the presence of a high element somewhere in the sentence. This high pitch may manifest itself both locally, e.g. in the initial, medial or final portion of the sentence [9, 11, 12, 13, 19, 25, 27, 28] and globally, either in the guise of raised register or the absence of F0 downtrend [3, 8, 13, 15, 27]. According to [12, 13, 27, 28] interrogatives can be distinguished from declaratives by the presence of a terminal rise in American English, Swedish, Danish. [3, 8, 11, 15, 27]’s studies revealed that absence of f0 downtrend and higher pitch register differentiate interrogatives from declaratives in Danish, Hausa, Dutch and American English. Higher pitch at sentence initial position and a terminal rise mark Dutch interrogatives .  showed that Mandarin Chinese wh-questions are marked by a higher pitch at sentence initial position and  argued for a more expanded pitch range at final position in wh-questions in Mandarin Chinese.
The first objective was to establish and discuss the strategies of formulating object, subject and adjunct whquestions in Gichuka. From the literature review, it was stated that cross linguistically, there are three strategies of forming whquestions. They include full wh movement/ex situ, wh in situ and partial wh movement. In full wh movement the wh phrase moves to the specifier of CP of the matrix clause while in partial wh movement, the wh phrase moves to the specifier of CP of an embedded clause. Wh in situ does not involve any movement.
An important component of research on question comprehension has been analyzing the types of errors children make when they do not understand a question. Early research concentrated on the analysis of errors in an attempt to predict how students would respond to a question they did not understand (Ervin-Tripp, 1970; Tyack & Ingram, 1977). This early research focused on the transitivity and placement of verbs in relation to comprehension. The current study used an approach more consistent with the next phase of research (Cairns & Hsu, 1978; Parnell et al., 1984) and investigated more detailed aspects of the content of the answers. Coding schemes were designed for the purpose of separating answers that were actually correct from those that were incorrect but indicated understanding of the question type. Additionally, incorrect responses were coded to categorize them as wh- question word substitution errors, topic related, non-responses, or completely unrelated to the question at hand (e.g., Lee & Ashmore, 1983; Parnell et al., 1986). In the current study, the goal was to explore what students with ID did when they did not understand wh- questions.
Biolinguistics regards the study of language faculty as an essential part of biolo- gy. The biological basis of language studies deals with “which apparent prin- ciples of language … are unique to this cognitive system” and “how much of language can be given a principled explanation” . The wh-questions in the world exhibit four types of wh-movement and from the important divergences of the four types of languages, a universal principle of Move F can be derived  -. If “things mental” can be produced by principles, what “things mental” can Move F generate? Is Move F a common principle related with some biologi- cal factors of the mind behind these apparent overt different properties of lan- guages? If it is, the nature and nurture problem may be answered by the biologi- cally relevant universality. As it is proven that “things mental … are emergent properties of the brains … produced by principles” . It is thus believed that a person’s language is “a state of some component of the mind” .
-brainstorm together a long list of time markers using "last / ago". (ex. two weeks ago/one day ago/last Christmas/last class) -have s/s fill in an appropriate time marker for questions 1-11 (writing in the blank after speaking their answer)
The hereby article argues that a pragmatic business-like approach to implementing new educational programmes in the military may contribute significantly to increasing the usefulness of the courses provided within the system. More precisely, the author sustains the idea of addressing questions such as why or what is needed, and particularly who is involved and who are the beneficiaries of these programmes.
Figure 7: Predictive performance for five most frequent information needs – Good queries consists of shorter questions. Hence, the applica- bility of the inferred models to longer questions may be limited. Also, longer questions may exac- erbate errors associated with some of the indepen- dence assumptions implicit in our current model. Information need. Figure 6 displays the dis- tribution of the queries in the test set ac- cording to Information Need. The five most common Information Need categories are: IDentification, Attribute, Topic It- self, Intersection and Process , jointly ac-
Various complex issues arise in Phase Theory. First of all, elements must be selected from a nu- meration. For example, it is assumed that v* selects for V and V selects for DP, but why this is the case is not necessarily clear. Also, issues arise with respect to the relationships between phases, subnumerations, and the timing of Spell-Out. A subnumeration can consist of LIs that form a phase, or it can consist of LIs that form a subject or adjunct, which can have a complex structure and must be formed outside the main spine of a derivation (cf. Johnson (2002)). Under the PIC, a phase edge remains visible to a higher phase. Thus, there is an apparent imperfection - the lack of a one-to-one correspondence between sending an element off to Spell-Out and phase-hood. Fur- thermore, the PIC creates problems for notions of movement. In (2a), the wh-phrase ‘what’ must move through an intervening v*P phase edge. Similarly, in the Japanese (3a), assuming that the Q particle ‘no’ undergoes movement (see section 2), it too must move through an intervening v*P phase edge. To deal with this issue, Chomsky (1999) suggests that a phase head can optionally have an EPP feature that attracts a wh-phrase. This means that an EPP feature must be present in every phase head that intervenes between the base and scope positions of a wh-phrase in construc- tions such as (2-3a). Thus, v* must have an EPP feature, as shown in (2b-3b), that attracts the wh/Q-element to the v*P edge (copies of moved phrases are italicized).
Referentiality (or related notions such as d-linking or specificity) have been at the heart of most syntactic theories of wh-islands. However, the exact nature of the notion ‘referentiality’ or ‘d-linking’ assumed has been always controversial (cf. Rullmann 1995, Cresti 1995, Szabolcsi & Zwarts 1993, among others). The applicability of the notions of referentiality or specificity has been questioned, since even though wh-questions can range over individuals, it is unclear in what sense the wh-phrase itself can be understood as being able to have a referential index (as in Rizzi 1990) or a [ + specific] feature (as in Starke 2001). The notion of d-linking is less problematic from a semantic point of view, as it simply requires that the range of felicitous answers to a question be limited to a contextually salient set. The problem with this notion however, as discussed in Kroch 1989, is that it fails to distinguish properly the island-sensitive and the island-insensitive items, as the first type usually also comes with a contextually defined domain restriction. Further, it has been argued (cf. Heycock 1995, Rullmann 1995, Cresti 1995, Fox 1995, Beck 1996) that the two readings of amount questions arise from the different scopal positions of the existential quantifier in them. But this means that to describe the difference between the wide and the narrow scope construal of amount questions, the notion of referentiality is not adequate.
wh-question or a declarative by pressing either V or M on the keyboard. To help participants to remember which key they needed to press for declaratives and wh- questions, a full stop (for declaratives) and the letter V and a question mark (for wh- questions) and the letter M appeared on two opposite sides (left and right) of the screen at the same time a stimulus was played to them. The right side of the screen corresponds with the M key on the keyboard while the left side of the screen corresponds with the V key of the keyboard. The order in which the full stop and the question mark and the corresponding letters (M or V) were displayed on the screen was fixed for individual participants, whereas it was counterbalanced across participants. After having decided on a sentence type, a question asking how confident the participants were about their response and a five-point confidence scale appeared on the screen, where one means “not sure at all” and five “completely sure”. They had four seconds to indicate their confidence by choosing a number from one to five. Two seconds passed as the inter-stimulus interval. If participants did not give a response within four seconds, the experiment proceeded to the next stimulus automatically after two seconds. The presentation order of the items of the practice session was the same for all participants. They were allowed to do the practice session twice if they wanted. Having accomplished the practice session, participants embarked on the main part of the experiment when they felt ready. The main session of 320 items were divided into five blocks. Each of the first four blocks included 70 stimuli, comprising10 sentences divided into seven gates. The final block contained the complete unambiguous version of the items presented in the previous four blocks. Therefore, block five included 40 stimuli. Participants were instructed to take at least a three-minute break between each block. After the break, they were asked to press the space bar to continue with the next block. Every block started with a warm-up which consisted of two non-experimental items. The purpose of including warm-up items was to prepare participants for the new block after the break. The sequence in which the first four blocks were presented was randomized per participant. However, the fifth block was always presented at the end of the experiment to avoid a practice effect on sentence modality identification, as indicated above. The presentation order of the items within all blocks was randomized per participant. The procedure of the main session was identical to that of the practice session. The experiment took about 40 minutes to complete.