The Samoan concept of va is believed to have been around since the creation of the heavens (Tui Atua 2009). The va is spiritual, spatial, and harmonious, and in essence it is a relational space that Samoans are taught to
respect.The first environment where a Samoan will learn about the va is in the home, within the aiga (family). Central to fa’asamoa, the aiga is a place of nurturing of language, customs, and values. Fundamental to the success of unity of the aiga is the va, a concept that governs relationships and the way in which one relates to the other. The va is demonstrated rather than taught (Maiava, 2001) through actions and words. It feels ‘innate,’ as Samoans that I grew up with and those whom I observed on a daily basis seemed to carry this ‘awareness’ (Tiatia, 2012) with them. Lui explains of the va, “Family is made up of individuals. These individuals are held together by relationships (va). Every relationship is sacred (tapu or sa) and is sealed by” feagaiga" (covenant) (Lui, 2003, pg. 3).
The feagaiga is always present in the context of va and is an ideal that Samoans try and live out in all interactions they have with one another, particularly with respect to how men and women should relate to one another. Pre- Christianity, Samoan women were at the highest place in society, with myths and legends of ancient Samoa
depicting women as powerful goddesses embodying beauty, power, and wisdom (Schoeffel, 1987). The sister’s role is one of honour and “the holders and transmitters of sacred power and the men are the holders of secular power and authority” (Fairburn-Dunlop 1991, p72 as cited by Stewart-Withers 2012, p 174). To honour the feagaiga means to honour the agreement, contract, or covenant. It has been described by scholars (Davidson 1967, Gershon 2012, Meleisea 1992, Stewart-Withers 2012) as the balance of relationship between a brother and a sister, best defined by the Samoan proverb “o le teine o le ‘i'oimata o lona tuagane” (Meleisea 1992, pg. 14) meaning that a sister is likened to the most vulnerable part of the eye. In practical terms this means that a brother serves his sister and will protect her and make sure she is safe and provided for.
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1.8.1 The Principles of Va
The following key elements centred on maintaining good relations are described in this thesis as the principles of va. The relational space (va fealoaloa’i), the sacred space (va tapuia), and nurturing the space in-between (teu le va) are the three principles my participants described as areas of tension when discussing their own mobile
practises and those of others in the village. The purpose of this section is to introduce the three principles of va and unpack the line of inquiry used to answer RQ1b) How does co-presence influence the relational space (va
fealoaloa’i), sacred space (va tapuia), and the ideology of feagaiga (covenant) between a Samoan male and female? Each principle has subquestions that assist in addressing RQ1b.
1.8.2 Va fealoaloa’i –Relational Space
The va fealoaloa’i is the space between all relationships that encourages unity and harmony and like all values is nurtured within the aiga and nu’u (family and village). The way in which individuals relate to their family members is the basis of how one relates in the village or community essentially because the definition of ‘family’ exceeds the palagi nuclear family of 2 parents and 1-2 children, as the Samoan aiga is defined under the village titles and boundary lines not necessarily dependant on blood lines (Anae, 2010, Lui, 2003).
In the Tongan culture, the term va or va’ha recognises this relational space as one of connection (Kaili, 2005) which in the same way is demonstrated in fa’asamoa (the Samoan way of life). When I first met the Sa’o (high chief) of my fieldwork site, I was asked about my genealogy and my village. Tongans and Samoans (generally most Pacific cultures) believe that the connections of our ancestors tie us to our land or village and create an identity
(fa’asinomaga) that gives context to our background. The following chapter discusses my research design and recounts many occasions where I reconnected with kin who, at face value, were research participants. After a few questions, my enquirers began to have revelatory expressions in recognition that they knew my lineage and began to relocate and connect our socio-spatial worlds (Kaili, 2005, Mahina.O, 2010). As I continue this inquiry into mobile practises in rural Samoa, I explore the possibilities of the mobile phone as an alternative to the va fealoaloa’i. Will
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the mobile phone re-establish socio-spatial worlds through mediated spaces? Can the contents of one’s phone contacts establish the same connections as Kaili (2005) describes?
1.8.3 The Va Tapuia, Sacred Spaces of Relational Arrangements
Tapu is a Polynesian word that means sacred or taboo. For Samoans, tapu indicates something that is subject to certain restrictions because it has a sacred essence that Samoans believe reinforces their connection or
relationship with all things, gods, cosmos, environment and self. The va tapuia refers to the space between man and all things living and dead. (Anae, 2010) Samoa’s Head of State and Pacific scholar, His Excellency Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Efi, states his further thoughts on the va tapuia:
It implies that in our relations with all things, living and dead there exists a sacred essence, a life force beyond human reckoning. The distinction here between what is living and what is dead is premised not so much on whether a life force, that is, a mauli or fatu manava, exists in the thing (that is, whether a life breath or heartbeat exudes from it), but whether that thing, living or dead, has a genealogy (in an evolutionary sense rather than in terms of human procreation) that connects to a life force. In the Samoan indigenous religion all matter, whether human, water, animal, plant and the biosphere are issues of Tagaloaalelagi. They are divine creations connected by genealogy.
(Tui Atua, 2009)
The reference to Tagaloaalelagi alludes to Samoa’s polytheist history. Prior to Christianity, Samoans believed in two main categories of gods: the non-human gods, Atua, and those of human origin that are half men/half gods, Aitu (Meleisea, 1987.pg 35). Tagaloa means Atua or God creator and Tagaloaalelagi is creator of the heavens. Humans were made by Tagaloalelagi, as was all matter, humans, water animals and plants. According to Tui Atua (2009) , Samoans believe that humans are the younger brother to Tagaloaalelagi’s earlier creations. In Samoan
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genealogical terms, humans are the lesser, and their relationship with earlier creations is one of respect or fa’aaloalo:
“The respect or fa’aaloalo that must be shown by people to all things is a respect for the sacred essence, the sacred origins, of their beginnings. This is the cornerstone of Samoan indigenous religious thought “
(Atua, 2009.pg.3)
The acceptance of Christianity by Samoans altered their belief system as the va tapuia now included the teachings from the Holy Bible and the origins of man was taught not as involving Tagaloaalelagi, but rather God and his son Jesus Christ. During my fieldwork, this esoteric space had been a topic of much debate where the mobile phone was concerned. The connections between the after-world and reality are easily bridged by the va tapuia, and this thesis explores urban legends that include the mobile phones being used by demi-gods.
1.8.4 Teu le va: Nurturing the Relationships and Tidying Up the Va
The third principle of va is a call to nurture the space in-between, premised on forgiveness and reconciliation. It is the reason I hypothesize that the va’s cyclic nature does not change the va. The literal translation of teu lelei le va is (teu) to tidy, beautify, decorate; (lelei) good, pleasing, and (le va) the space in-between. This saying (for me)
embodies the code that all Samoans live by. It is the unspoken covenant between one Samoan to another to
nurture and cherish the space in between relationships (Tiatia 2012, Wendt 1996, Anae 2010). To break this code is offensive to the family and community and is seen as crossing boundary lines (Siauane 2006).
Samoans are described as relational and thrive in collective contexts. It is difficult to take a Samoan out of a collective context because there is no such thing as a Samoan person who is independent of others. Samoans believe that one cannot prosper by themselves, and so when in need, Samoans look after one another (Tamasese et al. 2005). These beliefs and ideals require a great deal of cooperation from all parties in these collective
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expected to teu le va no matter who is in the wrong. This can be done in the form of an apology from the perpetrator and the releasing of forgiveness by the victim. Most disputes are handled by the pule nu’u (mayor), who often facilitates the mediation process. In more serious cases (e.g., physical abuse, murder, adultery), or where the offended party is from another village, an ifoga is required in which the guilty party must seek
forgiveness from the victim’s family through the act of ifoga, meaning to bow down in submission (Macpherson and Macpherson, 2005).
The family with a matai leading the ifoga would sit outside the residence of the matai of the injured person’s family with fine mats over their heads offering themselves as objects for venting anger and revenge by the victim’s family. In doing so, the matai and his aiga humble themselves to the mercy of the aggrieved family and are exposed to serious harm and even death. When and if the victim’s family accepts the ifoga, speeches of reconciliation are made accompanied by presentation of fine mats and food as offerings of amends (Va‘ai 1999:51).
(Macpherson and Macpherson, 2005)
Ifoga is still practised today; however, the most a perpetrator will suffer is to sit outside the victims’ house for days and nights, without food or water, until forgiveness is released. When a person is asked to teu le va it is taken seriously. The process is not straight forward, but multilayered, and is fraught with complexities. However, if one views all reciprocal relationships with others as sacred, then much value will be placed on nurturing this space. To teu le va requires a mutual respect for the va, va tapuia, and va fealoaloa’i. From this literature, one can glimpse the complexities of va. In its most simplistic form, however, va is about maintaining good relations and doing what is necessary to nurture the va, especially when offence has entered the space.
This study draws out the similarities of the space in-between in Tonga, Samoa, and Hawai’i and touches on Tongan transnationality and the way transnational relations affirm connected social spaces amongst Tongans. The Tongan
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equivalent of teu le va is called tauhi va. Pacific anthropologist Tevita Kaili’s (2005) work on tauhi va took him to Hawai’i to re-establish and nurture the socio-spatial ties shared with Hawai’i through the legend of Maui. Although this thesis does not focus primarily on transnationalism, the diaspora movement of Samoans globally implies its inclusion in dialogue with participants. This investigation of mobile usage in rural Samoa explores whether the mediated space takes the form of nurturing relationships locally and transnationally, and how it influences the va.