Sphere 2: People and Technology Collide

The village space is located in Sphere 2 (refer to figure 6). It overlaps Sphere 1 and Sphere 3, urban Samoa, to illustrate the spaces where fa’asamoa is still observed, but not as strictly as in Sphere 1. This is where daily village life occurs, where the indigenous communication is central but is used alongside a smattering of technology, televisions, radios and mobile technology. The overlap between Spheres 2 and 3 also represents the continuities and discontinuities of cultural practises and changes to fa’asamoa and the adaptation of Western culture within Samoan society. How do these converge with the mobile phone to affect the va? The media whirl outside the fale tele during the Kava ceremony could be placed in Sphere 2 (or 3). It was within the confines of the village, and there was understanding as to why the technology was permitted.

140 Figure 6 Sphere 2

Here is where I observed how Samoans lived out their daily routines, which include the protocols and rituals of fa’asamoa mixed in with modern-day influences. In this zone, villagers transition in and out of Sphere 1 and 2 more frequently. An example is the village curfew in which prayer is observed. All technology is switched off and family prayer and meetings are held. This is when the family enter into sphere one. Usually, after the meeting is family time in which a meal is served. Technology is not to be used until chores are done. Then, the family watch television or have ‘free’ time, which is another example of when they transition out of the red zone and back to where Spheres 2 and 3 intercept with mobile phone and other technologies. The transitioning out of each sphere creates tension for some of the locals. One interviewee, who I will call Sila, shares her thoughts about how

respecting the va between her and her father, and his rules around the mobile phone, caused her embarrassment and resentment towards fa’asamoa and its rules.

Sila is twenty-seven years of age and lives in the village with eleven family members. She has had two years of higher education but, due to financial difficulty, could not complete her bachelor’s degree. Her first year completing an Early Childhood Centre Diploma required her to move to town to be closer to school. This also

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reward for those who do well in education or by gaining employment. So at the age of 23 she was finally allowed a mobile phone, but it made her self-conscious:

I would sit in class in Apia and I was surrounded by these ‘town kids’ who were using their phones so easily, but I was embarrassed because I didn’t know how to use mine. When it rang I would hide it in my bag and I was too scared to answer it in front of the ‘town kids’ in case I wasn’t using it correctly. I began to resent my dad and his rules because I felt so old and so behind in not knowing how to use this phone. But now I am older and I see his wisdom. It wasn’t long before I made friends in school and they showed me how to use the phone. It wasn’t long before I wished someone would call me or text me so I could show how confident I had become with my phone. My father’s rules didn’t stop there because when I went home for the weekends I had to put my phone away at certain times. Every night at 6pm we had prayers and family meeting. I had to switch my phone off during this meeting but because our family meal was directly after I was not able to turn my phone on until hours later. We are not allowed to have our phone with us during dinner time. At first I found it very hard and more resentment built up towards my father because I was missing out on all the messages from my friends and I didn’t like the rules; but now I see his wisdom and I carefully watch over my younger sibling.

The mobile phone created tension in the va between Sila and her father. The pull of wanting to be connected with friends on her mobile encroached upon nurturing the va between her and her father. Although she now says she can see the wisdom in his rules, the tension caused her to hold resentment towards him. She explained that it almost made her violate the va and disobey her father. For this young woman, the mobile phone gave her more independence and a new confidence. This was also nurtured by living in urban Samoa, where the locals are not as rigid with rules regarding mobile phone use as they are in the village. Her return to the village on the weekends placed her under the rules of her father, but having the mobile phone allowed her to keep connected to her ‘new’

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life and friends in Apia. Tensions arose when Sila could not be as free as she was in Apia to use her phone and keep in contact with her friends. Sila admits that it was frustrating, but would explain that ‘this is fa’asamoa and you obey your family.’ .The va fealoaloa’i between Sila and her parents was more important than her need to use her mobile phone. Although it was hard for her at the time, she now is able to guide her younger siblings in using their phones responsibly.

Although Sila states she did not disobey her father, she did acknowledge an unmistakable tension between them. The predictable village life with its rules and curfews became a hindrance to Sila’s new social circle that was nurtured through co-presence. The ease and flow of this mediated sociality that Sila participated in freely and without restriction was now limited by the village curfews and her duty to respect the va. The contrast of urban Samoa to rural Samoa, and more specifically Island Breeze, is demonstrated through Sila’s story. To further explore the dichotomy between these spheres, the next section looks at my participants’ accounts of their experiences with mobile phones in the nation’s capital, which is located in Sphere 3 of the va model.