There is a saying in Samoa, “e loa le tagata i lona tu ma aga,” which loosely translates as “a person’s character or upbringing is known by how they act and talk”; in other words, how I conducted myself as I lived among the people will also be an indication of how much I know and understand about Samoan culture. This exercise is not just about being accepted by the village, but more so about representing one’s family. This put extra pressure on me while undertaking my fieldwork. Living in a village where I did not know anyone personally created some anxiety, as I felt as if I was on ‘display’ throughout my ethnography. It is almost a reverse ethnography, because initially the villagers had no context of my background and upbringing, and so I was judged as to how ‘Samoan’ I really am through my speech and actions. At the other end of the spectrum, I was subject to academic pressure to “stand outside the frame” (Halstead, 2001, pg.307) in opposition to the other. Standing outside the frame was difficult as I just explained; being a Samoan researcher meant different criteria of acceptance from the villagers and building relationships required me to be inside the frame. I relate my experiences to Halstead’s (2001) discussions on the nuances of studying her own society and the problem of gaining enough distance. The
importance of reflexivity, an approach of constant questioning and refining my data analysis, was instrumental in finding a balance between my role as a researcher and my relationship with my participants (Halstead, 2001). Although this period was a little uncomfortable, I had learned from other Samoan settings that once my ‘audience’ can see that I am following protocol and can at least speak the language, they would likely be quite receptive and appreciative of my effort. The best I could do was to know my cultural heritage and be ready to serve the village through my capacity as a Samoan researcher using the tools of reflexivity and talanoa throughout my
ethnography. Talanoa is explained further on in this chapter and is an indigenous approach to ethnography with similar principles to reflexivity.
47
Ethnography is hard to define because it is used in many disciplines (O'Reilly, 2005, Pink et al. 2015) , but it has been described as “the researcher participating, overtly or covertly, in people’s daily lives for an extended period of time” ( Hammersley and Atkinson 1995, pg.1-10, as quoted by Punch, 2009, pg.124). Developing research
relationships is key to gaining access to information that would otherwise be undiscovered. In my journey to full immersion I underwent what I termed a ‘make-under’ in order to blend into the community. Prior to fieldwork I had been colouring my hair from black to a caramel base with blonde streaks. I enjoy having the freedom to wear my hair in any style or colour and had been doing so for almost a decade. I was now faced with the awful reality that I should return to my original colour, dark brownish-black, because it would help with my entry into the village. It is not to say that people in Samoa do not colour their hair or are unaccepting of Samoans with blonde streaks, but I wanted to remove any barriers to how I would initially be perceived. It felt like I was externally losing my identity to gain an identity. The contrast of how I lived out my ‘Samoa-ness’ in the Western world did not fit in village Samoa, but I already had a place of ethnic belonging and this ‘change’ was not about my identity but
removing visual barriers in order to assist my research participants to identify with me as part of their community.
Throughout my research, I alternated between the insider and outsider role depending on whether it was a first encounter with participants or a group I had built a good rapport with. It wasn’t long before it felt like I was doing ethnography ‘at home’ as the village was similar to my home village and the community had accepted me as a daughter of the village but I did not have issues with being too close or withdrawing from the community (O'Reilly, 2008) which I expand on further in section 2.2.2.
2.2.1 Methodological Frameworks: Bringing Ethnography and Talanoa Together
This research brought together ethnographic approaches with an approach called talanoa, derived from a Tongan perspective which is described as “the ancient practice of multi-level and multi-layered critical discussions and free conversations. It also includes the way that community, business and agency leaders receive information from the community, which they then use to make decisions about civil, church and national matters" (Vaioleti, 2006.
48
pg.24). Vaioleti (2006) further asserts that talanoa occurs in everyday conversation, while working together, doing chores around the house, or collaborating on a project.
The three principles of talanoa manifested in different ways as I interacted daily with different participants and groups. These three principles are:
1) Face-to-face: Talanoa removes the distance between researcher and participant, and provides research participants with a human face they can relate to. This is an ideal method of research because relationships are the
2) Foundation on which most Pacific activities are built (Vaioleti 2006, pg.26,) I found that people’s responses differed as I observed or interviewed participants, who ranged from the lowest- to highest-ranking in the village. Those from the lowest rank in the women’s village were more engaging and open, which allowed the conversation to flow. There was a sense of reciprocity as we discussed mobile phones in their context. In my initial dialogue with the president or vice president of the Komiti, I found that I had no control over the flow of conversation because I was very aware that they are the gate keepers of their knowledge and it is up to them if they wanted to discuss it with me. This power dynamic caused my approach as a researcher to be open to whichever direction the conversation took. This is explained in the second talanoa principle.
2) Conversation has a life of its own: Talanoa is a good conversation in which one listens to the other. When one speaks and what one says depend upon what the other has to say. An open technique is employed in which the precise nature of the questions has not been determined in advance, but changes depend on the way in which the talanoa develops. The talanoa will end when it loses its malie or starts to revisit areas covered already, since then it is probable that no more new points will be added to those that have been co-constructed. It is a respectful,
reciprocating interaction (Vaioleti, 2006, pg.26,). Conversation would have a life of its own. Often I was listening rather than talking or raising questions or topics of discussion, but this is the process of talanoa. In the process of
49
these conversations, the third principal, Reciprocity and Respect, would occur in which the ranking chiefs would take time to define my place or role within their context.
3) Reciprocity and Respect: Talanoa firmly places the power to define what the Pacific issues are within the encounter between the researcher and the participant. Participants will disclose information only when they feel the time is right and that the context is appropriate. If protocols are ignored, the participants may end the talanoa. Even worse, they may communicate (utu, totongi) the wrong information to teach researchers a lesson, to remind them of their obligations in this symbiotic relationship (Vaioletti, 2006, pg.26).
The fusing of ethnography and talanoa provided a balance of cultural values and research practices. Throughout my ethnography I was very aware of my language and behaviour. Sometimes it was simple things that challenged my judgement, such as pulling out the Dictaphone during a discussion or making notes in the middle of a meeting. These ‘little’ things were necessary for my research but could have been viewed as culturally inappropriate;
however, because I had taken the necessary precautions in approaching the Komiti and the high chief in a culturally appropriate way, these actions were accepted.
The opportunity to work in the village fit well within my research, and holding structured interviews within my project work with the women’s committee providing an opportunity to interact with the villagers and apply talanoa principles around participation, all the while gathering data for my research.
I found ethnography instrumental in my data collection, as being immersed in a traditional Samoan village gave me a deeper understanding of the context and ‘living’ among the people gave me more access to their lives. An
example of ‘access’ is that the villagers knew where I lived and that I was available to assist and work alongside them. This came to fruition through the opportunity to use participant observation when the Women’s Komiti asked me to teach them how to use computers. Participant observation “is the central data collection technique in ethnography. It differs from direct or non-participant observation in that the role of the researcher changes from
50
detached observer of the situation, to both participant in and observer of the situation” (Punch 2009, pg.157). I found this approach instrumental in building research relationships and uncovering rich data through
conversations, working alongside my participants, and being “both participant in and observer of the situation” (Punch 2009, pg.157). These participatory techniques are seen as valuable in understanding a culture as well as effectively progress social change as seen in Tacchi et al. (2003) in Sri Lanka ( Tacchi, Slater & Hearn, 2003, pg.12,13 , finding A Voice: Toolbox 2015). A participatory technique I applied during my frieldwork was Ethnographic Action Research (EAR), an approach I expand on in chapter three. EAR is used to bring about new activities through novel understandings of situations. It includes communicative ecology mapping, sampling and selection, and semi- structured interviews, and describes a process by which initiative workers respond to new understandings of 'context' that result from ethnographic research and participatory techniques by reviewing their initiative's programme and planning new activities’ (Tacchi, Slater & Hearn 2003).