Body process verbs

Body process verbs include verbs denoting secretion and excretion, such as 'spit', 'vomit' or 'urinate', as well as verbs denoting processes of ingestion such as 'drink', 'eat' or 'swallow'.

3.2.5.1 Excretion and secretion

Oceanic languages commonly reflect the POc pattern where objects introduced with *-i denoted the location, and objects introduced with *akin[i] denoted the product of excretion/secretion verbs (§5.2.1). This pattern is retained in a number of the SES languages, but more consistently in the LMM branch. Since many languages in the GG branch have lost reflexes of *akin[i], the -(C)i forms in these now denote both the location and the product. Bare transitive forms of excretion and secretion verbs are rare, and occur only in the GG languages. In some cases the bare transitive co-exists with a synonymous -(C)i form.

Table 3.25 Body process verbs with and without reflexes of *-i

Bare transitive Transitive with reflexes of *-i

To'aba'ita (LMM)

91

mimi-si- urinate on

kwara-si- urinate on

fe'a-si- defecate on, soil with faeces

lua-fi- vomit on s.t. Bauro (LMM) pusu-ri- spit at moamoa-ri- vomit at mimi-si- urinate on hega-si- defecate on Tolo (GG) mimi-si- urinate on

pusu- to spit out (food etc.)

Koo (GG)

pori-si- urinate on

keve-si- defecate on, pass in faeces

tsuve- spit s.t. out, spit at

muta- vomit s.t., vomit at

Gari (GG)

mimi-si- urinate on+/wet with urine*

keve-si- defecate on

mumuta-li- vomit on

tsuve- spit at tsuve-li- spit at

lua- spit out, vomit

Lengo (GG)

mi-thi- urinate on (vi. mimi)

suve- spit s.t. out, spit at

lua- vomit s.t.

(Data from: Archdiocese of Honiara, 2008; Crowley, 1986; Lichtenberk, 2008a; my fieldnotes)

Whilst often the use of reflexes of *-i with these verbs is a retention from POc reconstructable for PSES, e.g. POc *mimis-i- 'urinate on' (Ross & Osmond, 2016a:288) > PSES *mimi-zi- 'urinate on', POc *pekas-i- 'defecate on' (Ross & Osmond, 2016a:291) > PSES *veɣa-zi- 'defecate on' (see Appendix B), some verbs have transitive forms that are clearly innovative. For example reflexes of POc *ŋisu / *ŋusu 'spit' (Ross & Osmond, 2016a:281) allow for the reconstruction of PLMM *ŋisu-fi- / *ŋusu-fi- 'spit at' (see Appendix B). Similarly, POc *kamisu/*kimusu 'spit' (Ross & Osmond, 2016a:281) is reflected in the LMM languages with the suffix introducing location, such as 'Are'are musu-hi- and Bauro musu-ri-, both meaning 'spit at, on' (both my fieldnotes). The use of the suffix with reflexes of these two verbs appears to be an innovation reconstructable for PLMM, since these verbs are at present not reconstructable as taking the suffix in POc or PSES. However the pattern of using *-i to denote location with this type of verbs is old and was a feature of PSES, and continued to be productive with at least some verbs.

92 3.2.5.2 Ingestion: eating and drinking

Ingestion verbs show more diverse patterns. Whilst verbs denoting drinking and swallowing have transitive forms derived with reflexes of *-i whose direct objects denote the substance drunk or swallowed, verbs denoting eating show a different pattern and tend to have transitive forms (where the object is the substance consumed) marked only by the object marker. This may be explained by the fact that many Oceanic languages reflect a pattern reconstructed for POc where the transitive forms meaning 'to eat s.t.' are different lexemes from the intransitive forms, rather than being derived forms (Ross & Osmond, 2016a:224-225). Again in at least some cases the occurrence of the suffix is attributable to inheritance, such as with reflexes of POc *inum-i- 'drink' (Ross & Osmond, 2016a:242) and *tolom-i- 'swallow' (Ross & Osmond, 2016a:261).

Table 3.26 Reflexes of * i with ingestion verbs

Intransitive Transitive with reflexes of *-i Applicative

To'aba'ita (LMM)

ku'u vi. drink ku'u-fi- vt. drink

'ingo vi. drink 'ingo-fi- vt. drink

oko swallow (combining form)

oko-mi- vt. swallow

Lengo (GG)

inu vi. drink inu-vi- drink s.t.

tono swallow tono-mi- swallow s.t.

Causative

Kwaio (LMM)

fanga eat fanga-li- feed s.o.

'Are'are (LMM)

hana eat hana-ri- feed s.o.

(Data from: Keesing, 1975; Lichtenberk, 2008a; my fieldnotes)

Only in few cases do we find forms derived with reflexes of *-i with eating verbs, and in these instances the suffix has a causative function rather than applicative one. In SES this is an unusual pattern shown by a handful of languages as generally the causative forms are either suppletive or derived with the causative prefix. However, these SES forms are easily explained as conservative since they reflect the POc causative form *pa-paŋan-i- corresponding to intransitive *paŋan 'eat' (Ross & Osmond, 2016a:226).

Table 3.27 Verbs denoting eating without reflexes of * i

93

Kahua (LMM)

gharamasi eat food with meat with vegetables

gharamasi- vt.

ngê, ngêngê vi. eat ngê-, ngau- eat, bite s.t.

oke- vt. eat s.t. raw

Gari (GG)

- ghani- eat s.t.

- ngori- eat s.t. bite by bite

(Data from: Archdiocese of Honiara, 2008; Bruns, 2002; my fieldnotes)

Reflexes of *-i indisputably occurred in PSES with body process verbs denoting secretion and excretion and marked location, often contrasting with transitive forms derived with reflexes of *akin[i] that denoted the product of the body process verbs. However in a number of GG languages this distinction was lost with the loss of productivity of *akin[i]. There is no evidence of a particular function of reflexes of *-i with other body process verbs in SES, and the distribution of the suffix tends to reflect its presence or absence in POc, as shown in Table 3.28.

Table 3.28 Reconstructed forms of some body process verbs in POc and PSES

Intransitive Transitive

Transitive with *-i

POc (L5)

*inum drink *inum-i- vt. drink

PSES

inu drink *inu-vi- vt. drink s.t.

POc (L5)

*iRup vi. sip (as soup), slurp *iRup-i- vt.

PSES

*ilu vi. drink soup, slurp *ilu-vi- vt. drink soup, slurp

POc (L5)

*tolo(m) swallow *tolom-i- vt. swallow

PSES

*tono swallow *tono-mi- vt. swallow

POc (L5)

*kaRat bite *kaRat-i- vt. bite

PSES

*ɣala vi. bite *ɣala-ti- vt. bite s.t.

POc (L5)

*mimi(s) urinate *mimis-i- urinate on s.t.

PSES

*mimi urinate *mimi-zi- urinate on s.t. Bare transitive

POc (L5)

*kani- eat s.t. starchy, eat s.t. in general

PSES

*ɣani- eat s.t.

POc (L5)

94 PSES

*ŋau eat *ŋau- eat s.t.

POc (BE03)

*kati to bite *kati- to bite s.t.

PSES/PGG

*ɣati to bite *ɣati- to bite s.t. (Evans, 2003; Ross & Osmond, 2016a)