Outcome assessment

As evidenced by many recent studies, efforts made in the last 30 years to revive the status of the French language were fairly successful (Armand et al., 2009; Mc Andrew, 2010, Pagé & Lamarre, 2010, Salvatore, 2001). On the one hand, a large portion of immigrants now use French in public communication (Pagé & Lamarre, 2010). On the other hand, a

large majority of new arrivals (92% in 2007-2008), who are subject to Bill 101, are enrolled in the French sector. A recent study on the academic achievement of immigrant origin students (target students are those who started their secondary schooling in 1998- 1999 and in 1999-2000) in Quebec secondary French schools reveals that mastery of French, as measured by ministerial exams at the provincial level, appears to be satisfactory (Mc Andrew et al., 2010). Indeed, the average scores of immigrant-origin students are similar to those of the third generation and beyond (71% versus 72%). However, it is important to bear in mind that the exam is taken at the end of secondary school, and that the participation rate of students of immigrant origin is lower than that of the third generation and beyond (64% versus 70%).

Regarding the use of French for informal exchange in schools, a number of recurrent debates have been raised on the assessment of the state and future of French, the presence of English, and the legitimacy of diverse measures (CSDM, 2009). However, the reality on the ground appears to be more complex and positive. Indeed, the findings of a study carried out in twenty Montreal primary and secondary schools suggest that despite a significant presence of multilingualism in schools, the relative strength of French over English confirms an overall trend towards the adoption of French (Mc Andrew, 2001). Although research indicates the important presence of English among Anglophone, Anglophile, and Anglicized students, the added value to French schooling is more pronounced in schools attended by these students, especially when compared with the recorded linguistic behaviour of their parents as reported in the Canadian census (Mc Andrew, 2010).

The Canadian census and research show that French schooling has a clear impact on the future linguistic choices of the youth. For instance, the 2011 Census indicates that the linguistic transfer to French among the allophone immigrants of 15-24 years old has reached to 72.5%, which is much higher than the percentage of those who are in favour of French among the whole immigrant population (Statistics Canada). Also, the data of MELS suggest that in 2010, 68% of allophone students who attended a French high school chose to further their study in a French-speaking CEGEP. Finally, Girard-

Lamoureux (2004) also suggests that allophone students who went to school after the implementation of Bill 101 are more likely to have a linguistic journey in French compared to those who were schooled before that (quoted in Bakhshaei, 2013, p. 40) According to this study, these students are also more likely to start their occupational career in French.

However, the welcoming class program is criticized by other studies for placing newly arrived students into academic and social isolation from the school‘s mainstream French- speaking population (Allen, 2006; Mc Andrew, 2001; Steinbach, 2010). In contrast with the dominant Canadian model of ESL (English as a Second Language) model, within or outside the regular classroom, the choice for an intensive teaching of French in a specific classroom in Quebec is linked with the particular linguistic situation of the province (Mc Andrew, 2009b, 1537). Notwithstanding the successful results of the implementation of Bill 101 thirty-five years later, there are still fears of Quebec, especially Montreal, becoming less francophone, with ongoing debate surrounding the idea of extending the legislation to encompass daycares and postsecondary education (Aubin, 2009; Carpentier et al., 2009; Leclerc, 1994). These tensions and fears are actually reflected in educational policies and practices concerning adaptation to diversity and integration of immigrant students (Steinbach, 2007; 2010). It is deeply embedded in public discourse that mastering the French language is a prerequisite for integration in school and society, and it sometimes prevents the new comers from participating socially before they have completely mastered the language (Allen, 2006; Steinbach, 2010). Yet, according to Allen (2006), it is more effective to see the acquisition of French as a part of the process of integration.

Educational success

The research of Mc Andrew et al. (2011) shows that despite their less favourable characteristics compared to their counterparts of the third generation, students of immigrant origin do not constitute a population at high risk of school failure in the Quebec school system (quoted in Bakhshaei, 2013, P.40). However, these positive findings have mashed the important variation in the academic achievement of students of

different sectors, regions of origin, and linguistic characteristics. If one looks at the French sector, students with French as their mother tongue or language used at home experience a higher gradation rate than their counterparts who do not have this linguistic characteristic. And the difference of graduation rate (seven years after entering a French high school) between first and second generation students appears to be significant (58% versus 70%). Nevertheless, among the subgroups, almost 80% of students of Chinese origin in this study finish their high school seven years after entering a French high school, which is much higher when compared to the whole student body (73%). Generally speaking, the same observation applies to the results of school performance, although the difference is less pronounced. There is no important difference of average score in French ministerial exams, despite the fact that the students of the third generation and beyond do slightly better in this regard. With respect to performance in other subjects, some subgroups, such as Chinese students, clearly outperform other groups and even pupils of the third generation and beyond. However, the 2009 PISA results seem to indicate a more problematic situation in terms of educational performance of students of immigrant origin in Quebec. Although Canada is the country where the difference between native-born and foreign-born population is the least pronounced, both in mathematics and literacy, the gap in Quebec‘s French sector is much wider than in the English sector of the other Canadian provinces.

Obviously, students with an immigrant background differ in their country of origin, language and culture, as well as their family socioeconomic status. And all of these factors can create divisions and inequities between the host society and newcomers. Ethnicity, as measured through various markers such as language, national origin, or religion, does not hold an easy-to-predict relationship with academic achievement (Mc Andrew et al., 2009, p.20). Educational authorities, researchers and the community need to identify the dynamics influencing academic achievement of immigrant students and to better understand the significant differences among various groups. This way, they can provide more appropriate service to each group and facilitate the process of integration of students of immigrant origin in schools and in the larger mainstream society.

Intercultural relations at school

Although assessment concerning the adaptation to diversity in Quebec schools is difficult to make, noteworthy progress has been made, including the many initiatives designed to better adapt schools to their communities (Mc Andrew, 2010; Triki-Yamani et al., 2008). These initiatives, such as the development of teaching tips on immigration and different cultures as well as the programs that promote intercultural and anti-racist activities, seem to have positive impacts on intercultural relations at school (Mc Andrew, 2010). However, promoting the recognition of diversity in a school context has always been challenging and remains a work in progress (Triki-Yamani et al., 2008). For instance, some communities harbour fears about the impact of adapting to diversity, such as concerns on the potential contradictions between certain accommodations and legal requirements about school attendance, programs, and security (Mc Andrew, 2010). Furthermore, although many teachers address the issues of intercultural relations in their classrooms on an ad hoc basis, some studies reveal a certain indifference, even resistance, to intercultural perspectives among many others (Potvin & Mc Andrew, 2009).