JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK
& SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
Volume 4, Number 01 & 02, 2013
Journal of Social Work & Social Development (JSWSD)
JSWSD is a bi-annual refereed journal to publish original ideas that will promote issues pertinent to social justice, well being of individuals or groups or communities, and social policy as well as practice from development perspectives. It will encourage young researchers to contribute and well established academics to foster a pluralistic approach in the continuous efforts of social development.
Editor:
Asok Kumar Sarkar Professor, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan
Editorial Advisors:
Surinder Jaswal Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai B. T. Lawani Director, Bharati Vidyapeeth University, Pune Sukladeb Kanango Retired Professor, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan Sonaldi Desai Professor, University of Maryland, USA
Editorial Board:
P. R. Balgopal Professor Emeritus, University of Illinois, USA Monohar Power Professor, Charles Stuart University, AU Niaz Ahmed Khan Professor, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh D. Rajasekhar Professor, ISEC (Centre of Excellence), Bangalore Rama V. Baru Professor, JNU, New Delhi
Swapan Garain Professor, TISS, Mumbai
Kumkum Bhattacharya Professor, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan P. K. Ghosh Professor, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan Debotosh Sinha Professor, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan
© Copyright 2013 by Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati The material printed in this journal should not be reproduced without the written permission of the Editor. The statements and opinions contained within this publication are solely those of the contributors and not of the Editor or Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati. For more information about subscription or publication, please contact: Prof Asok Kumar Sarkar,
Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati,
Sriniketan-731236, Birbhum, W.B., India.
Editor’s Note
We are updating the old issues. This volume is the combination of two issues i.e. June and December, 2013. It has incorporated nine papers and one book review. The first paper written by Professor Kumkum Bhattacharya is basically an introspection being an insider of Visva-Bharati. She states, Rabindranath Tagore’s Sriniketan Experiment of Rural Reconstruction was entirely novel and seminal in nature. The poet showed his skill and scientific temper in relying on professional expertise of the people he chose with care for the activities at Sriniketan. The transformation of Visva-Bharati to a central university (1951) changed many aspects of the original ideas and systems giving rise to the incipient opinion that we at Visva-Bharati have failed the poet. Professor Bhattacharya’s contention is to transcend the ‘luxury’ of self-criticism so as to critically examine and evaluate the current programmes and plans. The there and then of Rabindranath’s experiment is to be seen against the here and now – how much is comparable and how much of it can be reshaped and re-adjusted in keeping with the changes in India.
The next two papers written by Dr Kanagaraj and Dr Venkata Ravi are research based and have heavily drawn from field experiences of South India. Dr. Easwaran Kanagaraj probes in to the variations in the levels of development of primitive tribes (PGTs) in Tamil Nadu. His study is based on household survey conducted in Nilgiri Districts. The results of the study indicate significant variations in the human development among the primitive tribes in Tamil Nadu. Dr. R. Venkata Ravi argues, energy is central to concerns about sustainable development and poverty reduction. His paper is a part of the multi-state study on ‘Willingness to Pay for Solar Energy’, sponsored by MNRE, GOI. The broad objective of the study is to assess the willingness to pay by users of Solar Home Lighting System in the villages where Remote Village Electrification (RVE) Programme is implemented or to be implemented. In order to arrive at a comprehensive picture, the study also covered the intermediary objectives towards the assessment of ‘Willingness to Pay’ [WTP] for the Solar Home Lighting System.
odds. The author explores the capability of Koli women managing the traditional fishing business across Mumbai city and resultant constant combat against the economic inequality from the margin. Dr. Sazzad Parwez’s research is based on the primary and secondary information and talks about the premise that poverty has developed social system and subsystems of its own for exploiting poor and especially women in Jharkhand. The context of this research also derives from the current overriding emphasis on microfinance in rural finance discourse and its celebration as the new ‘magic wand’ in the fight against poverty. Author concludes that SHGs plays very important role in the development of livelihood and community.
Two research scholars, who are carrying out Ph.D. projects in the Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati, have put forwarded their research experiences. Mrs. Rupa Biswas states the phenomenon of violence against married women in private sphere in the district of Burdwan, West Bengal. In her paper, six different cases are chosen purposively and narrated for understanding their journey. Sucheta Paul mentions, paid women domestic workers work under difficult conditions to tide over financial difficulties at home. They have little time and may lack means to look after, guide and supervise their children. Her paper explores what happens to the children of the paid domestic workers - whether they gain education and skill and are able to join socially valued and economically rewarding occupations.
The last two papers are descriptive in nature. Dr. Chand Thangmi narrates, HIV and AIDS pose a great threat to mankind of the universe. Prevention and control of this pandemic problem can also be extensively dealt by employing Social Work methods right from the individual level to global level of the problem. The last paper written by Dr. Sukumar Pal & Mr. Ramprasad Das is on Social movements. They discuss, there are various kinds of social movements such as women’s movements, environmental movement, human rights movements and so on which are of immense significance because of several reasons.
The issue ends with a book review critically portrayed by Rupa Salui. The book is written in the context of Bangladesh war. Author’s deliberations in Chapter I and VII are meaningful and relevant for contemporary social workers considering the then social situations, social problems, crimes, women’s sufferings, etc for learning from the past. Hope readers will find the issue constructive and redolent in the context of diversified emerging social issues and methodologies being used to carry out research on the same.
Asok Kumar Sarkar
CONTENTS
______________________________________________________________
Editor’s Note
The Sriniketan Experiment: Have We Failed the Poet’s Vision? 1 Kumkum Bhattacharya
Human Development among Primitive Tribes in Tamil Nadu 13 Easwaran Kanagaraj
Willingness to Pay for Solar Home Lighting System - A Situation
Analysis in Karnataka State, India 36
R. Venkata Ravi
Managing the Business from Margin: Exploring Koli Women’s
Capability on Seashore of Mumbai 72
Nandita Mondal
Impact Assessment of Self Help Groups Towards Socio-Economic Development: A Case Study of Jharkhand, India 84
Sazzad Parwez
Domestic Violence against Married Women in Burdwan: Some Reflections from Selected Case Studies 97
Rupa Biswas
Educational and Occupational Achievement of Children Domestic
Workers: A Study in South Bengal. 116
Sucheta Paul
Application of Social Work Methods in Response to
HIV and AIDS 133
Chand Thangmi
Understanding Social Movements: An Analysis in
Indian Context. 141
Sukumar Pal & Ramprasad Das
Book Review 156
The Sriniketan Experiment: Have We Failed the
Poet’s Vision?
1Kumkum Bhattacharya*
Abstract
In 1921, Rabindranath Tagore with the help, support and active participation of a few specialists started the Sriniketan Experiment of Rural Reconstruction. The activities in Sriniketan were entirely novel and seminal in nature engendering a new way of looking at development, growth, uplift and self-reliance of people who appeared rather powerless and disadvantaged. Looking at the details of the various programmes undertaken as part of the Sriniketan Experiment it comes as a surprise how methodically and painstakingly the complex situations of the villagers were studied and analyzed; how community participation methods were used to re-instill faith, confidence and self-esteem.. The poet showed his skill and scientific temper in relying on professional expertise of the people he chose with care for this work. The transformation of Visva-Bharati to a central university (1951) changed many aspects of the original ideas and systems giving rise to the incipient opinion that we at Visva-Bharati have failed the poet. My contention is to transcend the ‘luxury’ of self-criticism so as to critically examine and evaluate the current programmes and plans. The there and then of Rabindranath’s experiment is to be seen against the
here and now – how much is comparable and how much of it can be reshaped
and re-adjusted in keeping with the changes in India.
Keywords: Tagore's rural uplift - timeline discussion, sustainability, ethics and aesthetics
I
In this article I shall present a comparative discussion of the there and then of Rabindranath’s Sriniketan experiment and the here and now – how much of the two are comparable and how the present can be reshaped and re-adjusted so that we can assess whether we are on the required path of internalization of the values concerning the ‘giving’ and ‘taking’ between the rural ‘uneducated’ but ‘reflective’ and the urban ‘educated’ and often ‘pedantic’. In most ———————————
developmental work this is one of the philosophical objectives to be achieved. The history of the Sriniketan Experiment enjoins us to inculcate and build upon the repertoire of evolved strengths through our continuous engagement with reality of the rural situation dealt with our readiness to undertake the multi-dimensional tasks required in our endeavour of rural uplift. These are the core values (‘giving’ and ‘taking’ based on mutual respect between two apparently disparate groups) of the experiments Rabindranath conducted, be they on education or rural reconstruction – the values by which one enriches the self as well as the other or in other words, the formation of the complete individual through mutual exchange of knowledge, goodwill, respect and faith in the idea that in the case of humanity, we are complementary to each other. In Rabindranath’s conception of education the roles of the teacher and the taught are not exactly the one of the ‘giver’ and the ‘given’; it is much more than this as evidenced in his endeavour for uplift of rural people and their circumstances and for them to exercise their agency in order to negotiate advantageously with the demands and pace of a changing world.
In human exchange, it is natural for interactions to be loaded on any one side and when the exchange is between the ‘educated’ and the ‘uneducated’ the loading is predictable and often a handicap in fostering true exchange or understanding based on reciprocity. That the dialogue between the ‘urban’ and the villager is ‘loaded’ (actually biased) does not need to be emphasized – we need to ask what is the attitude today underlining Sriniketan’s approach to the villages in which it organizes its programmes? How has this work impacted the lives of people and their relationship with Visva-Bharati? Visva-Bharati no longer has the luxury of still being in the experimental stage of the work that began in 1923 or even earlier if we take into account Rabindranath’s experiences in erstwhile East Bengal. The university2 is expected to have formulated its plans and strategies as well as expected to have schooled generations of its students3 in the right attitudes and skills – achieving a balance between professionalism and innovation and improvisation through active engagement with the encountered situation.
II
Sriniketan as a twin campus to Santiniketan was formally established in 1921 primarily devoted to rural uplift at physical, socio-economic and cultural levels. The hygienic conditions of villages; health services; education, training in livelihood, pooling resources through cooperatives, revival of folk culture and exposure to mainstream opportunities formed the gamut of the activities undertaken in Sriniketan. L.K. Elmhirst, an Englishman, who Tagore met in New York in 1920, eagerly took up the challenge of spearheading this task in which he was aided by Kalimohan Ghosh, Gour Gopal Ghosh, Rathindranath Tagore, Surendranath Kar, Santosh Majumdar, Kasahara (Japanese), Miss Green, and countless others who could be described as ‘sharers in conjoint creation’.4
III
Once a university launches a regular teaching programme, there is a change in focus from ‘doing’ to ‘learning’ – the emphasis shifts to theoretical teaching with the field as supporter/validator of theory. The villages became the places for ‘learning by doing’ as if the perspective limits itself to piecemeal measures and the curriculum requires generalist training in intervention and inculcation of skills. There is a need to strike a balance between the academic and the application aspects of the Sriniketan Experiment for which we go back to the original charter of aims and objectives drawn by the poet so as to re-assess it in the light of modern concerns and conditions:
The object of Sriniketan is to bring back life in its completeness into the villages making them self-reliant and self-respectful, acquainted with the cultural tradition of their own country, and competent to make an efficient use of the modern resources for the improvement of their physical, intellectual and economic condition."5
various wings of the Sriniketan campus with the focus on bringing about palpable and sustained change.
We have to recall that the country was even more rural in composition than what it is today or has been since independence. Since independence there has been unprecedented urbanization and the very nature of villages has changed or is undergoing the processes of change. The aspirations of villagers, the economy that they could or were forced to depend upon, the intergenerational gap expressed in cultural practices and values, the attitudes towards polity/ governance have been transformed palpably eroding in many instances the relatively ‘stable’ base of community life. The sociological and historical instruments that we can so readily apply today – of nation building, polity as a social institution, citizenship6, constitutional rights, national economy, education policy, social justice, were not so universally applicable then or perceived in quite the same way. In other words, our perception of contemporary needs, aspirations, opportunities, expectations, provisions of protest/redress and demand, sense of identity (intertwined with political, regional, religious, linguistic, caste, class) and sense of individual agency and capacity to negotiate socio-political situations – are incomparable on more grounds than ever before. If we look closely at the papers of the early days of the Sriniketan Experiment7 we come across a meticulous survey of the neighbourhood, records of the physical condition of the villages and the expressed needs of the people and the ways in which activities, programmes and plans were formulated in response to the findings of the surveys. The specialists in Sriniketan initiated dialogue with the villagers regarding various issues that were understood as being deterrents to good health, higher agricultural yield etc. to which the villagers responded in a positive way and the responses paved the way for the work to be started under the guidance of Sriniketan.8
Sriniketan.9 It is natural that this work would only need maintenance once the physical work would be completed and for the work of maintenance, groups of people known as Village-level Workers were identified, designated and made responsible. From this simple instance, we see the principles of participation, planning, execution and delegation/transfer of responsibility (from the service providers to the target groups) at play – principles that we try to apply today through the participatory approach in development. Similarly, programmes and activities once started have to be taken to their logical end as well as being allowed to evolve into a new activity or programme started in partnership of the doers and target groups – it is this that makes the work continuous having the capacity to evolve into complex tasks with multiple dimensions.
IV
version of the Scout Movement – the Brati Balak to mobile library services - these were some of the multifarious activities that the Sriniketan Experiment had in its vision of rural reconstruction. These tasks needed training that the wings of Sriniketan imparted. Part of the tasks of the village health worker used to be the development of the skills of needlework among women by suggesting new designs, new uses and thereby engage them in aesthetic work encouraging the accompanying sensibilities to come into play helping women carve a ‘space’ in which they could meaningfully express their creativity. Rabindranath has written about the importance of respect in the act of ‘giving’ on our part (the educated);10 the ways in which we are to tune ourselves to rural life and its rhythm; to be sensitive to the capacities of village-folk and the strength of their customs – indicating in very clear terms the stress he imparted to ethics in our dealings. This focus on ethics and aesthetics has been and will continue to be the enduring feature of the Sriniketan Experiment – there is greater need to study these (ethics and aesthetics) in depth – maybe our future path founded in these values would be better improved and sustained.
V
Today there is a need to answer why the Sriniketan Experiment does not seem to possess the vibrant energy of its early days and why then villages are so easily transformed to anonymous geographical areas receptive to change that promises more urbanization rather than to the need to put ‘their own house in order’. Can we say that the villages of that time were like clean slates and because they were so ignored by the state, they were receptive and accepting of the support systems of Sriniketan, ready to try out the methods and ways by which they could strengthen their physical and cultural/ social domains? These are difficult questions to answer – there are historical accounts of great success and there are records of failure, mistrust, clamour and incidences of having to shift base from one village to another – heritage is built on the stories of success and there is a tendency to gloss over the setbacks. Also, the failures are often explained away as human slips rather than a critical understanding of the quality of the still nascent ‘experimental ideas and vision’ of the poet or his adherents.
The questions then arise – what is the situation now and what are the causes of the changes in our activities? I would like to posit the work that used to be performed then against the work that is done now in order to address the fundamental issues involved : - Since the institutionalization of the Five-year Plans agriculture
and related activities are looked after by government bodies; paddy is cultivated almost twice a year; multi-cropping is a norm and irrigation is through widespread government means with very limited private initiative;
- Village sanitation, drainage, public facilities and services etc. are the designated activities of the Panchayati Raj Institutions which earmark budgetary provisions for these works;
- Education, at least Primary Education is a State matter and there are Primary, Secondary School Boards who look after recruitment including recruitment criteria and training of teachers, syllabi etc. of schools and admission criteria for students;
- Health too is a matter of State – midwife training, integrated child development programmes; immunization etc. have their own infrastructures and trained personnel e.g. Anganwadi workers; - Livelihood training is looked after by the Block Offices through
Panchayati tiers; small, medium, large banking and industrial support systems are there to offer loans, expertise etc. for entrepreneurs.
created by plan periods. The university in partnership with the state can create that space within which the university is able to play a significant role in implementing plan programmes by maintaining the core values of the poet. Rabindranath was very conscious of the limitations of Sriniketan’s ‘penetration’ (in terms of finance and accessibility to benefits of plans by large numbers of people) making the present focus of Sriniketan sagacious. Sriniketan is conscious of the fact that Rabindranath would not have wanted the unimaginativeness of the state’s mechanized processes prescribing the same medicine for all and it is for this reason that Sriniketan endeavours to temper its activities with the guiding principles that are enshrined in the Sriniketan Experiment. It devolves upon Visva-Bharati to choose those aspects generally ignored by the State and to focus on the contributory factors to the development of the complete personality – it is in this that the work that is now done acquires significance. In fact, in the changed economic scenario, the distancing of the University from the above activities has reduced the pressure of demand of employment by the neighbouring villagers on the university.11
products; farmer’s clubs and farm radio service; spread of rural library mission and computer connectivity in the rural libraries so as to transform them into rural resource centres through regular training of the office-bearers in computer application, library management and arranging study tours to other libraries; boosting rural crafts and arts through regular fairs and training; encouragement of rural poetry and literary bodies with an annual poetry reading session; lessons in Rabindra Sangit, Rabindra Nritya and folk songs on a regular basis; regular participation in the national pulse polio mission and in the implementation of the New Health Policy of the government, and so on are the present activities of Sriniketan.
Conclusion
Visva-Bharati displays a-certain timelessness in maintaining continuity with the tradition that was so creatively envisioned by its founder12 it is no small feat that the beautifully crafted festivals such as Halakarshana (first ploughing of the field), Maghmela (Sriniketan fair) continue even today in spite of the fact that the UGC does not readily provide funds for these. It has been possible to maintain these through participation by alumni, staff and students and audience expectation that can be described as inclusive of all – the public-private partnership. There is a quiet rhythm in its activities straining to create a gentle ripple effect through its multi-hued and multifarious activities and it is through them that the ideals of Visva-Bharati live on integrating smoothly the new emergent needs of the changed socio-economic scenario.
This is not to suggest that there is no room for improvement or that Visva-Bharati is happy to opt for the soft option of being a Central University and thereby shaping its activities in the light of the leveling mechanisms of central bodies of control. This broad view of the University is not absent in academic writings about the work in Sriniketan and the view need not be ignored or swept under the carpet.12 As a counter to this view, this article argues that the details of the present activities be examined through the prism of socio-historical changes and then ask the question if Visva-Bharati has failed the poet – I think that it is time to challenge this view robustly.
Notes
1. A version of this paper was presented in the ICCR conference “Tagore’s Vision for Asia: Human Solidarity beyond Nationalism” on the 150th Birth Anniversary of Tagore in Bangkok on 16-17 June,
2011 in the panel, “Tagore and Sustainable Development”. 2. Visva-Bharati (henceforth VB) by an act of Parliament became a
Central University in 1951 and it is significant that Sriniketan was recognized as part of the curriculum. At that time, this was the only university in the country that had such a large rural extension programme with theoretical input and field-based practice. During the country’s first five-year plan the Community Development model borrowed from the US was implemented and Block Offices were set up in districts of the states whose primary focus was agriculture and rural livelihood. Within the campus of VB, the Sriniketan Block Office was established and it was expected that there would be university-public interface. In fact some of the earlier programmes of VB reflect this relationship in more palpable terms. The question remains why the government of the day did not adopt Tagore’s practice model of rural development. One of the reasons could have been to adopt quicker means of nation building than the slower assimilative processes envisaged by the poet. The question of sustainability remains in the case of the former. 3. The Institute of Agriculture (Palli Siksha Bhavana); under the aegis
of the Institute of Rural Reconstruction (Palli Samgathana Vibhaga) the Department of Social Work, Rural Craft and Design (Silpa Sadana), Department of Rural Development (Palli Charcha Kendra) and Rural Extension Centre are engaged directly through their curriculum with extension activities of the university with defined boundaries of work. Cooperation within each other’s area of specialization is expected and theoretically factored in though there is definitely scope of enhancing this aspect to avoid replication of efforts or wastage of resource (Sinha, 2010). In my opinion replication does not go to waste, rather the exercise throws up the errors and offers scope of arriving at certain standards through testing of a process.
4. Dasgupta (1962).
5. For more details see Das Gupta (2009).
6. “…two representations of society … in contemporary India. The first is the representation of India as a society of castes and communities and the second its representation as a nation of citizens. The first had its roots in immemorial tradition… The second is of more recent provenance and derives its legitimacy from the Constitution of
India… it was the group and not the individual that counted in the traditional social order” (Beteille, 2011). It is posited that this highlights the crucial difference in the approach to Rural Reconstruction then and now.
7. Tagore’s own writings (1905, 1922, 1937, 1925a & 1925b, 1997); Elmhirst (2007); Joseph and Ghosh (2002); Neogy (2010); Sen (1991).
8. For more details of the work in Sriniketan see Bhattacharya (2014). 9. For detailed descriptions of the early activities of Sriniketan see
Elmhirst (2007).
10. Rabindranath Tagore (1930) ‘The Diffusion of Education’,
Introduction to Tagore, Kolkata, Visva-Bharati.
11. In the first few years of the University’s recognition in 1951, we find a significant number of employees from the neighbouring villages of Sriniketan – the university ratio of the non-academic in relation to the academic (largely local) was till recently much more than that stipulated by the UGC.
12. See Bhattacharya (2008). 13. See Dasgupta (2009).
References
Beteille, A. (2011), Caste and the Citizen, Science and Culture, 77 (3 &4),84.
Bhattacharya, K. (2008), An Old Banyan Tree, In Ira Pande (ed), Beyond Degrees: Finding Success in Higher Education, New Delhi: Harper Collins Publishers India and India International Centre, 202-207. - (2014), Rabindranath Tagore: Adventure of Ideas and Innovative
Practices in Education, Netherlands: Springer.
Dasgupta, S. (1962), A Poet and A Plan, Calcutta: Thacker Spink & Co. Pvt. Ltd.
Das Gupta, U. (ed.) (2009), The Oxford India Tagore: Selected Writings on Education and Nationalism, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 135-160.
- (2009), Tagore’s Ideas of Social Action and the Sriniketan Experiment of Rural Reconstruction, In Kathy M. O’Connell and Joe Connell (eds.), Rabindranath Tagore: Reclaiming a Cultural Icon, Kolkata: Visva-Bharati.
Elmhirst, L.K. (2007) (revised edition), Poet & Plowman, Kolkata:
Bharati.
Joseph, S. and Ghosh, P. K. (2002), Sriniketan: From Experiment to Experience (Monograph), Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati. Neogy, A. K. (2010), Santiniketan and Sriniketan: The Twin Dreams of Rabindranath Tagore, New Delhi: National Book Trust of India. Sen, S. (1991), (enlarged edition), Rabindranath Tagore on Rural
Reconstruction, Kolkata: Visva-Bharati.
Sinha, D. (2010), Rabindranather Palli Punargathan Prayas, Kolkata: Paschim Banga Bangla Academy, 361-389.
Tagore, R. (1905), Itihas Katha, Rabindra Rachanavali, Vol. 6, Kolkata: Visva-Bharati, 722-723.
- (1922), An Eastern University, The English Writings of Rabindranath Tagore, Vol 2, New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi.
- (1925a), Visva-Bharati Bulletin, No. 6. - (1925b), Visva-Bharati Bulletin, No. 11, 1.
- (1937), Letter to Elmhirst, In S. Ray (ed.), Rabindranather Chintajagat: Sikshachinta, Kolkata: Granthalay, 324-325. - (1997), Education for Rural India, Introduction to Tagore, Kolkata:
Visva-Bharati.
- (1997), The Diffusion of Education, Introduction to Tagore, Kolkata: Visva-Bharati.
Human Development among Primitive Tribes
in Tamil Nadu
Easwaran Kanagaraj*
Abstract
The present paper attempts to extend the conceptual framework of human development developed by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to household level and probes in to the variations in the levels of development of primitive tribes (PGTs) in Tamil Nadu. It is based on household survey conducted in Nilgiri Districts of Tamil Nadu. The results of the study indicate significant variations in the human development among the primitive tribes in Tamil Nadu. Badaga the non-scheduled primitive tribe was found to be the most advanced among them while the Kurumba was found to be least developed. The process of human development among the primitive tribes engineered by the planning and policy making in the country has been still mediated by the agency of tribe. The historical and geographical factors along with the socio economic and political factors still determine the level of human development. The tribal policy and planning over a half a century could not succeed in addressing these historical and structural forces.
Keywords: human development, human development index, primitive tribe
Introduction
Schedule Tribes (STs) are socially excluded section of Indian society, economy and polity over centuries. According to the 2001 Census they are 84.3 million constituting 8.20 per cent of the country’s population. The numerically small primitive tribal groups (PTGs)1 constitute the most isolated among them. They are about 1.32 million population with 1.57 per cent of the total population in the country. The ST population in Tamil Nadu is 6,51,321 and constitutes 1.04 per cent of the population of the state as per the 2001 census. The ———————————
PTGs form 33.46 per cent of the ST population and 0.35 percent of the total population in the state as per the 2001 census. In the state there are 36 STs, of which 6 viz., Toda, Kota, Kurumba, Irula, Paniyan and Kattunayakan are PTGs. The national five-year plans and ongoing tribal sub plan (TSP) approach are focussing on the development of primitive tribal groups (PTGs). In fact the Government of India has conceded that the problem of extinction of primitive tribes is one of the persisting problems of tribals in the tenth plan2.
Development and integration of the STs are two inter related goals of the policy of the government in India since independence. The constitution of India prescribes a number of measures for protection and promotion of the rights of tribals. The Nehruvian tribal panchsheel as well as the official tribal policy in India have committed to the integration of tribal communities through development. Nine five-year plans have been executed by the successive national governments. A number of welfare and development programmes have been implemented to ameliorate the tribal lot at the central and state levels. Half a century has passed since the dawn of independence in India. However, the question still remains lingering in the minds of policy makers, planners, academics and social workers committed to the tribal uplift is that how far the goal of development has been accomplished in the context of primitive tribes.
much studies (see Basu and Kshatriya, 1994; 1992). Nutritional status, morbidity, adult and child mortality and their socio-economic and cultural correlates were focus of these studies. Most of these micro level studies have not conceived and measured development as multidimensional process (except Karuppaiyan, 1990). Even this exceptional study fails to clearly lay down the dimensions of development, which may be due to the theoretical vacuum. Further there are not many studies on the problem of development of the primitive tribes in India. The present study tries to fill this research gap by way of employing human development perspective, which has widely been recognized as an alternative approach to economic growth (GNP) model.
difference in the level of household human development attainment between the non-scheduled primitive tribe of the Badaga and scheduled primitive tribes of the Kota, the Kurumba and the Irula. This hypothesis has been drawn in the tribal context where the Badagas were the settled agriculturists and were on the top in the local social hierarchy and considered as superior to the Kota, Kurumba and Irula tribes in the past. Further, the Kota had a protest movement for social mobility and against the domination of Badaga (see Mandelbaum, 1972: 300-301, 469-471, 603)3. The interventions to promote education, health and standard of living by the government and NGOs targeted the scheduled primitive tribes. Hence, the results would throw light on the effects of the various interventions on development and integration of scheduled primitive tribes also.
The results of the present will be useful to policy makers as well as grass root level social workers concerned with tribal development. There is an urgent need to understand the levels of human development of primitive tribes as it is accepted as one of the goals of planning in India since the 9th plan. On the basis of the analysis of the household human development the study will suggest some directions for tribal policy making and programming for tribal development focussing the primitive tribes. The grass root voluntary organisations and social workers in the field will be able to design their interventions strategies for human development. The advocacy groups also will be able to find the policies for tribal empowerment.
Methodology
2003 and the reference period was the agricultural year 2002. In the present study, a multistage sampling procedure was followed in the selection of the district, block, tribes, hamlets and households, which is described as under. The first stage was the selection of district. The primitive tribes in Tamil Nadu include six tribes viz., Kota, Toda, Kurumba, Irulas and Kattunaickans forming 33.46 per cent of the total tribal population in Tamil Nadu. In view of the fact that all the PTGs are living in the Nilgiris the district was chosen for the present micro level study. The second stage of sampling was the selection of block. In the Nilgiris district, there are four administrative blocks, viz., Udhagamandalam, Coonoor, Kotagiri and Gudalore. Among these Gudalur and Kotagiri had high concentration of Tribal population (5-10%). In view of the number of the tribes and their concentration the Kotagiri block was chosen. Selection of the tribes forms the third stage of sampling. In the Kotagiri block, five primitive tribes are concentrated. In two ways they may be classified. Firstly, the scheduled primitive tribes of Toda, Kota, Kurumba and Irula and the non-scheduled primitive tribe of the Badaga. Secondly these tribes may be classified as the massif tribes and sub-tropical tribes on the basis of their location on the Nilgiris Mountains. The massif tribes of the Toda, Badaga and Kota are racially different from the sub-tropical tribes the Kurumba and Irula. The former are fair while the latter are dark in complexion and have racial affinity (see Thurston, 1909). Apart from racial difference the climate soil, rainfall on the massif is favourable economically too. Among the five primitive tribes the non-scheduled tribe Badaga and scheduled tribes of Kota, Kurumba and Irula were chosen. This is mainly because the concentration of Toda is not sufficient for sampling i.e. they live in only one-hamlet (Mund) constituting only 20 households. As statistical analysis of quantitative data for hypothesis testing warrants large sample, the Toda was excluded from the sample.
the general conditions of the particular tribe. The last stage was the selection of the households. Separate lists of the heads of the households of the four hamlets were prepared in consultation with the key informants of each of the hamlet. From the lists of the four hamlets one half of the households from each of the hamlet, were chosen randomly using lottery method with replacement. The present sample size was arrived at, to ensure large sample in each of the four tribes, as it is needed for analysis of quantitative data for hypothesis testing. Thus the sub sample size arrived at for Badaga, Kota, Kurumba and Irula were 72, 32, 30 and 38 respectively.
Operationalisation of Household Human Development
Conceptually, Household Human Development Index is similar to UNDP’s Human Development Index (HDI) and has three components viz., long healthy living, knowledge and resources for decent standard of living but its operationalisation is somewhat different. As measuring life expectancy at household is not possible, health perception index has been used as a proxy measure4. A five-point scale of health perception: Very Good, Good, Fair, Poor, and Very Poor was included in the household interview schedule and the same was obtained from the respondent for each member of the household. These five points respectively were given 1,0.75, 0.50, 0.25 and 0 scores so as to converge on the scale of the other three components. To assess the knowledge, a Household Education Attainment Index (HEAI) was constructed5. HEAI is a proportion of sum of years of education of all the members of the household to the sum of potential years of education6. Household Standard of Living Index (HSLI) has captured the component of resources for living decent standard of life7. The HSLI is the weighted composite of Household Per capita Income Index (HPII), and Household Per capita Asset Index (HPAI)8. All these component indices range from 0 to 1, similar to UNDP (2003) HDI.
components have been highly correlated and with the same level of factor loading. But it assigns one-third weight to gross enrollment (mean years of schooling) and two third weights to adult literacy. Yet, there is no explanation for under weighting of the education of the future generation by the UNDP. It is felt that weighting is all the more necessary in the present context because the scales of the three indices differ. Unlike the UNDP’s (1990-2003) HDI, the present HHDI is differentially weighted and the weights were assigned with the help of factor analysis with principal components method. The Household Standard of Living Index (HSLI), Household Health Perception Index (HHPI), and Household Education Attainment Index (HEAI) were factor analysed and the factor score derived from the analysis was transformed into an index ranging from 0 to 1, finding the maximum and the minimum, and considered as the Household Human Development Index (HHDI). The maximum and the minimum for index construction in each of the components were drawn from the sample itself9. But, for fixing maximum of the potential years of education, 15 years was fixed as maximum, which is the maximum mean year of education (UNDP, 1993).
The results of factor analysis of the components of standard of living with Principal Components method is presented table 1. Kaiser Meyer Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy, and Bartlett’s Test of Sphericity revealed the suitability of the sample data. The KMO measure of sampling adequacy was 0.500, which is equal to the required minimum 0.50, and the approximate Chi-square of Bartlett’s test of Sphericity (40.98) was found to be significant at 1 per cent level. The sub-components of standard of living converged and formed a single dimension as only one factor was extracted from the analysis of two indices, viz., per capita asset, and per capita income index. Both indices had equal and very high factor loading (0.855). The underlying factor, standard of living accounted 73 per cent of variation of all the sub-components. Since both the indices had equal factor loading, equal weights were assigned and the simple average of both was considered as the Household Standard of Living Index (HSLI).
holistic and appropriately weighted measure of household human development (see table 2). The KMO measure of sampling adequacy and Bartlett’s test of Sphericity revealed the adequacy and suitability of the data for factor analysis. The KMO (0.55) was greater than 0.5 minimum requirement, while the approximate Chi-square of Bartlett’s test of Sphericity (65.73) was significant at 1 per cent level. The PC extracted only one factor, which could be called human development wherein all the components had higher factor loading. Household education attainment index had the greatest factor loading (0.851), closely followed by the household health perception index (0.764) and the household standard of living index (0.604). The underlying factor i.e., Household Human Development explained about 56 per cent of the variation in the variation of all the components, which is large enough to proceed with the analysis further. The weighted factor score derived from PC analysis was transformed into an index ranging from 0 to 1 and that was considered as Household Human Development Index (HHDI). The index was used to analyse inter-tribal variation among the four primitive tribes and test the first hypothesis.
Results and Discussion
Patterns of Inter-Tribal Variation in Human Development
The question here is: how do the households of the four primitive tribes differ in terms of the Human Development and its components viz., health, standard of living and education attainment. To analyse the intertribal variation in human development and its components, one-way analysis of variance (with LSD as post hoc test) was used and the results are presented in table 3.
Long Healthy Living
Long healthy living is the first and foremost component of human development. In the long healthy living attainment, represented by the household health perception index (HHPI) there was significant inter-tribal variation observed. The F ratio of HHPI (18.05) was significant at 1 per cent level.
(0.593). The mean differences between the Badaga and the Kota, the Badaga and the Kurumba and the Badaga and the Irula in the household health perception index were significant at 5 per cent level.
Among the scheduled primitive tribes, the Kota households had greater attainment in healthy living as compared to the Kurumba but were at same level with the Irula. The mean difference in HHPI between the Kota and the Kurumba was significant at 5 per cent level, while that of the Kota and the Irula was not significant at 5 per cent level. Further, the households of the Kurumba and the Irula, the sub-tropical tribes, were found to be at the same level of attainment in healthy living. The mean difference in HHPI between the Kurumba and the Irula households was not significant at 5 per cent level.
The better healthy living of the Badaga could be attributed to their better access to nutritious food, better hygienic practices, housing and sanitation on the one hand and their access to health care system on the other. These all are directly related to their economy and culture. The better health of the Kota and the Irula could be attributed to their better access to health care, especially, the Government hospitals and Nilgiri Adivasi Welfare Association (NAWA)’s Medical Services. The Kotas protest movement for social mobility and modernisation played a vital role in doing away with such practices as of eating carrion, would have also played a vital role in improving their life style. The poor health of the Kurumba households is mainly due to their lack of access to nutritious food, prevalence of genetic disorders such as sickle cell anaemia (see Ramasamy et al, 1994; Basu, 1994) as well as their location in remote inaccessible forest area. A close observation in the field and interaction with the key informants indicates that the better health status of the Badaga and the poor health status of the Kurumba are closely related to their economic condition. Similar views on the relationship between economic conditions and health among the tribals are widely reported in the literature too (see Zanver et al., 1998; Hiramani, 1997; Gopal, 1996).
Educational Attainment
Household Education Attainment Index (HEAI), which is a ratio of the sum of actual years of education of the members of the household to the sum of their potential years of education.
Analysis of HEAI with ANOVA also revealed inter-tribal variation among the four primitive tribes. The F ratio for HEAI (27.84) is significant at 1 per cent level. Similar significant inter-tribal variation in education has been reported by earlier studies also (see Singh and Nayak, 1997; Mittal and Sharma, 1998b).
The households of massif tribes of the Badaga (0.585) and the Kota (0.581) had greater education attainment as compared to the sub-tropical tribes of the Kurumba (0.188) and the Irula (0.413). The mean differences in HEAI between the Badaga and the Kota households were not significant at 5 per cent level, while those between the Badaga and the Kurumba, the Badaga and the Irula, the Kota and the Kurumba, and the Kota and the Irula were significant at 5 per cent level. Among the tribes on the massif, the education attainment was at the same level, while among the sub-tropical tribes, the Irula households had greater education attainment as compared to the Kurumba significantly. The mean difference in HEAI between the Irula and the Kurumba was significant at 5 per cent level.
headquarters constrain the Kurumba not to cross the primary school. The field observation and interaction with key informants as well as statistical analysis reveal close association between education attainment and economic condition of the tribal households. Similar results were reported by a number of tribal studies (Mathur, 1994; Kailash, 1993; Rajarathnam and Guruswami, 1987). The importance of geographical location in earlier studies (see Shyamlal, 1987). Role of both these factors was also reported by some studies. (see Mittal and Sharma, 1998c)
Decent Standard of Living
Resources for decent standard of living, is the third component of human development. It was operationalised in the present study as weighted composite of the indices of household per capita income, and household per capita household assets.
In all these components of decent standard of living, significant inter-tribal variation among the four primitive tribes was observed. The F ratio for HSLI by tribe 10.5 is significant at 5 per cent level. Likewise, the F ratio HPAI (5.77) is also significant at 1 per cent level, while that of HPII (3.28) is significant at 5 per cent level.
primitive tribes, there was no significant difference in this component of standard of living. The LSD indicated that the paired mean differences in HPAI between the Kota and the Irula, the Kota and the Kurumba and the Kurumba and the Irula were not significant at 5 per cent level.
When both these two indices were aggregated and the composite index of household standard of living index was analysed, the pattern of inter-tribal variation in standard of living was found to be similar to that of household per capita income. The households of the tribes on the massif, the Badaga (0.08) and the Kota (0.05), had similar level of standard of living. The mean differences between them in HSLI were not significant at 5 per cent level. But the households of the Badaga had better standard of living as compared to the sub-tropical scheduled primitive tribes of the Kurumba and the Irula. The mean differences in HSLI between the Badaga and the Kurumba as well as the Badaga and the Irula were significant at 5 per cent level. Among the scheduled primitive tribes, the standard of living of households of the Kota (0.05), the Kurumba (0.02) and the Irula (0.03), the mean differences between the Kota and the Kurumba, the Kota and the Irula as well as the Kurumba and the Irula in HSLI were significant at 5 per cent level. The Kota households had better standard of living as compared to the sub-tropical primitive tribes the Irula and the Kurumba. Among the sub-tropical tribes the former had better standard of living as compared to the latter.
improved their condition and increased their economic aspiration. They have been utilizing the benefits of policy of protective discrimination (both government education and employment). Thus policy of protective discrimination was also favourable to the Kota. The lower standard of living of the Kurumba and the Irula is mainly due the small size of land holding of the former and lack of irrigation facilities to the latter. The rainfall as well as fertility would have worked in favour of the massif tribes and against the sub-tropical tribes. Unfortunately the policy interventions have not taken into account the consideration of these factors and break them in favour of the sub-tropical tribes.
The low level of standard of living of the four primitive tribes was mainly due to the reduction in the price of green tea in the Nilgiris in the Nineties after the new economic policy was implemented in India. This adversely affected the income of marginal and small tea cultivators as well as labourers of the Badaga, the Kota and the Kurumba. The key informants have reported that the members of these tribes were forced to sell their movable and immovable properties so as to meet their consumption needs.
Household Human Development
Aggregating the indices of the three components in Household Human Development Index (HHDI) analyses of inter-tribal variation and levels of human development across the four selected primitive tribes of Tamil Nadu were attempted. Here, an attempt has been made to verify the first hypothesis of the present study that the household human development varies between the non-scheduled primitive tribe of the Badaga and the scheduled primitive tribes of the Kota, the Kurumba and the Irula. The testing of hypothesis has been accomplished with the help of one-way analysis of variance and comparison of Least Square Difference (LSD).
The LSD comparisons indicate that the mean differences between the Badaga and the Kota, the Badaga and the Irula, the Badaga and the Kurumba were significant at 5 per cent level. The non-scheduled primitive tribe the Badaga households had greatest human development attainment significant among all the tribes. Hence, the first hypothesis that the household human development differs between the non-scheduled primitive tribe of the Badaga and scheduled primitive tribes of the Kota, the Kurumba and the Irula has been validated.
Among these scheduled primitive tribes, the Kota (0.408) households had greater human development attainment as compared to the sub-tropical tribes of the Irula (0.305) and the Kurumba (0.197) significantly. The mean differences in HHDI between the Kota and the Irula as well as between the Kota and the Kurumba were significant at 5 per cent level. Between the two sub-tropical tribes, the Kurumba (0.197) and the Irula (0.305), the latter had greater household human development attainment as compared to the former significantly. The mean difference in HHDI between the Kurumba and the Irula households was significant at 5 per cent level.
and postponing the appointment of personnel in the public hospitals. The educational institutions of primitive tribes are being adversely affected by the new economic policy. The postponement of appointment of teachers in the government schools from which the tribals benefit has affected the quality of education provided to them. The inter-tribal variation in human development could be attributed mainly to the interrelated factors viz., geographical location, access to land, fertility and irrigation of land, access to social services and employment mediated by the factor of tribe. The unfortunate situation is that transcending these factors the policy interventions of public action could not benefit the poorest and the weakest sub-tropical tribes and enhance human development. The factors and processes, endogenous to the tribes such as aspiration for development and social mobility also have played a vital role in uplifting the Badaga and the Kota. The location factor constrains the emergence of such movements in the most deprived sub-tropical tribes of the Kurumba and the Irula. It is also unfortunate to note the forces of globalisation and privatisation threaten even such low level of human development attainment. The significant portion of households in the Badaga and the Kota at low level of human development could be attributed to the effect of globalisation forces, while the much greater portion of households among the sub-tropical tribals would also have met such fate.
Conclusions
of the scheduled primitive tribe Kotas is closer to the Badagas. The Kurumba tribe (the sorcerers and hunters) is the least developed among all the PGTs. We argue that access to land and better agricultural technology, favourable agro climatic condition and commercialisation of agriculture, utilisation of government policies and programmes and motivation and aspiration for development generated by protest movement for social mobility constituted the major factors responsible for uneven human development in the Nilgiris. The effects these inter related factors have been mediated by the agency of tribe. Unfortunately, the government policies and programmes failed to address the special needs of the weakest among the primitive tribes.
Suggestions for Policy
The following suggestions were made to accelerate human development and central inclusion of the specific tribes of the Nilgiris. (a) The Kurumba tribe, whose households suffer at low level of
human development and marginality stage of inclusion, need immediate attention of the government and voluntary sector. Because of the meagre size of land holding they suffer from low income, ill health and illiteracy. The Kurumba tribe needs preferential treatment in educational institutions as well as employment. Ongoing programmes for development of micro enterprises have to be strengthened and focussed on the Kurumba tribes and sustainable income and employment be generated. The involvement of committed NGOs in this endeavour would ensure efficient implementation.
living and human development of the Irula tribe.
(c) The problem that daunts the Kota is that of educated unemployment among the youth. Training of the youth in arts and crafts where they have traditional skills on the one hand employment of already trained youth in suitable venture is suggested.
Notes
1. Thurston used the concept of primitive tribes in the context of the Nilgiris as early as 1909. He calls the tribes of the Nilgiris Badaga, Toda, Kota, Kurumba etc. as more or less Hinduised Primitive Tribes. This concept is applied by government of India in its tribal development programmes too and integrated tribal development programme the numerically small primitive tribes are covered by primitive tribal group projects. The Government of India has identified 75 Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) with an estimated total population of 1.32 million in 1991, spread over 15 States/Union Territories based on a four-point criteria viz. smallness in size and diminishing in number; backwardness and isolation; use of pre agricultural technology; and very low literacy. According to Government of India (2000) there is a marked difference between the relatively advanced tribal groups and the PTGs. Accordingly the PGTS are subjected to extreme backwardness, when compared to the other tribals as they live in the most interior and inaccessible forests. It also observes that a decline in their sustenance base and the resultant food insecurity, malnutrition and ill-health force them to live in the most fragile living conditions and some of them are even under the threat of getting extinct.
2. In the tenth plan document the Government of India pointed out certain unresolved issues and persisting problems with regard to tribal population of the country, which warrant immediate attention of state and non-state actors. The unresolved issues in tribal development planning according to Government of India (1992) are displacement of tribals, tribal land alienation, indebtedness, shifting cultivation, and deprivation of forest rights while the persisting problems are low literacy and high drop-out rates, inadequate and inaccessible health services, nutritional deficiencies and diseases, lack of adequate irrigation facilities, extreme/abject poverty, endangering of intellectual rights, crimes/atrocities against STs, neglect of forest villages, extinction of primitive tribal groups,
ineffective implementation of PESA, 1996, and routinised mechanism of TSP.
3. Mandelbaum during his fieldwork in the Nilgiris with the Kotas observed over a number of years a mobility contest waged by them vigorously by one man Thiru. Sulli. Mandelbaum (1972:469) “For decades he had to fight a running two-front battle, with the opponents of Kota ambitions and with his opponents among the Kotas. He eventually won on both fronts; his long, tenacious fight certainly affected the status of Kotas during his life and has probably had long-run effects as well”
4. Theoretically, Sen’s capability perspective prefers objective indicators over subjective ones but due to non-availability of such ones subjective indicator has been adopted.
5. The UNDP’s education attainment, which is the composite of the ratio of adult literacy and gross enrollment, could not be computed at household level because the latter ratio needs sufficiently larger population. The present HEAI is more comprehensive than UNDPs (1993) EAI as it takes into actual years of education rather than the binary of literate or illiterate. It captures the disparity in education more accurately than the latter.
6. HEAI = 3Aij/3Pij where A is actual year of education of a member
of the household and P is potential year of education a member of the household.
7. At household level, the per capita income alone does not capture the resource base. The inclusion of assets would reveal the capability more comprehensively.
8. The component indices HSLI such as HPII, HPEI, and HPAI were constructed using the following formula used by UNDP to convert the actual values of per capita income, adult literacy life expectancy etc., into indices.
Actual ij – Minimum ij
Maximum ij - Minimum ij
9. Goal Posts of UNDP for the other indicators are not available and no standard national or international goals posts on these indicators are available.
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Annexure-I
Table 1: Factor Matrix of Components of Standard of Living
o N . l
S Components Factor
g n i d a o L
s e i t i l a n u m m o C
) 2 h (
.
1 PercaptiaIncomeIndex 0.855 0.73
.
2 PercaptiaAssetIndex 0.855 0.73
.
3 EigenValue 1.463
.
4 %ofVariance 73.172
.
5 Cumulative% 73.172
.
6 Kaiser-Meyer-OlkinMeasure . y c a u q e d A g n i l p m a S f
o 0.500
y t i c i r e h p S f o t s e T s ’ t t e l t r a B e r a u q S -i h C . x o r p p
A 40.982**
f
D 1
. g i
S 0.00
Source : Computed **Sugnificant at 1 per cent level
Table 2: Factor Matrix of Components of Human Development
o N . l
S Components Factor
g n i d a o L s e i t i l a n u m m o C ) 2 h ( .
1 HouseholdStandardofLiving ) I L S H ( x e d n I 4 0 6 .
0 0.365
.
2 HouseholdEducation ) I A E H ( x e d n I t n e m n i a t t A 1 5 8 .
0 0.724
.
3 HouseholdHealthPerception ) I P H H ( x e d n I 4 6 7 .
0 0.584
.
4 EigenValue 1.674 0.604
.
5 %ofVariance 55.791 0.851
.
6 Cumulative% 55.791 0.764
.
7 Kaiser-Meyer-OlkinMeasure . y c a u q e d A g n i l p m a S f o 0 5 5 . 0 y t i c i r e h p S f o t s e T s ’ t t e l t r a B e r a u q S -i h C . x o r p p
A 65.73
f
D 3
. g i
S 00.00
Source: Computed
Table 3 : Inter tribal Variation in Human Development: One Way ANOVA
. l S . o N t n e n o p m o
C Tribe
-a d a B a g a t o
K Kuru
-a b m a l u r I F
I HouseholdHealth x e d n I n o i t p e c r e P ) I P H H ( 4 7 7 .
0 0.637a 0.543b 0.593ab 18.05**
I
I HouseholdEducation x e d n I t n e m n i a t t A ) I A E H ( 5 8 5 .
0 a 0.581a 0.188 0.413 27.84**
I I
I HouseholdStandard x e d n I g n i v i L f o ) I L S H ( 8 0 .
0 a 0.05ab 0.02b 0.03b 10.50**
a t i p a c r e P d l o h e s u o H x e d n I e m o c n I 3 7 0 .
0 a 0.069ab 0.022b 0.027b 3.28*
a t i p a c r e P d l o h e s u o H x e d n I t e s s A 1 8 0 .
0 0.040a 0.013a 0.024a 5.77**
n a m u H d l o h e s u o H x e d n I t n e m p o l e v e D ) I D H H ( 6 8 4 .
0 0.408 0.197 0.305 31.93**
Source: Source: Computed * Significant at 5 per cent level ** Significant at 10 per cent level