ABSTRACT London’s physical and demographic expansion between 1500 and 1700 was dramatic. The population of the city and its suburbs grew from about 50,000 to almost half a million inhabitants. Almost all this increase was in the suburbs, particularly to the west, north and east of the walled city. These developments raise important questions about their effects upon the city’s economy, population and the physical environment, especially in the expanding suburbs. The purpose of this paper is to examine the suburban growth of London, first of all setting out some of the main characteristics of this growth in the early modern period. Next the paper will draw on the results of some major research projects carried out by the Centre for Metropolitan History. These have integrated a range of longitudinal and cross-sectional sources, which survive in abundance for early modern London. These enable detailed ‘micro-histories’ to be written of individual properties and their occupants in sample areas of the city, which provide insights into themes such as household size, the physical size and layout of houses, and the changing urban landscape. The paper presents some conclusions arising from the research into the eastern area of Aldgate, which grew very dramatically in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. There was considerable demand for housing, and multiple occupancy was common and often achieved through the physical division of houses. As the area became built up, patterns can be seen in the development of gardens behind main street frontages into alley ways and courts, around which new tenements were constructed. Most of this was uncoordinated and re-use of older structures was common. On the other hand, the differences between the suburbs and the central parishes should not be over stated.
This paper takes inspiration from existing research look- ing at interactions between land use and transport in the context of workplace location. By accumulating research from Norway on central workplace relocations, it is pos- sible to observe active transport outcomes in relation to changes in accessibility, business structure and economic factors like parking. In addition to reviewing the litera- ture on workplace relocations, this study makes use of a before and after survey in connection with the central relocation of the Trondheim-based newspaper Adressea- visen. The newspaper’s existing and new office locations are shown in Fig. 1, together with the two other Trond- heim relocation cases: Trondheim Municipality and Statens Hus. Fig. 2 meanwhile shows the former and present locations of the Oslo-based headquarters of in- surance company Gjensidige that similarly relocated their premises from the suburbs to the inner city. Public transport accessibility is displayed in the background of Figs. 1 and 2, in order to provide contextual information for these cities. Public transport accessibility is calcu- lated as the average public transport travel time from any given origin to a raster grid of all potential destina- tions within a city.
socioeconomic status people purchase greater proportions of fibres, proteins and total sugars, and smaller propor- tions of sodium. Duran et al. also found differences be- tween neighbourhoods in regard the quality of food intake . A restricted number of studies, though, have investigated this specific topic and is not in our knowledge if dietary supplement consumption in particular protein based supplement consumption differs between the city centre (CC) and the suburbs (SB).
Background: It is anecdotally recognized that commercial gym users assume supplements in order to improve performance or health. However, dietary behaviours of people and athletes attending commercial gyms have been poorly studied. The exact amount and frequency of dietary supplements consumption are still needed to be investigated. The main purpose of this study is to understand the quantity and quality of food intake, as well as dietary supplementation in people attending commercial gyms. Secondly to compare the city centre and the suburbs of Palermo, Italy.
As population increasing again that the expectations of suburbs to be pressured and unban, therefore, energy planning, protection and utilization of water resources planning, green building and environmental protection planning must be strictly controlled to endure sustainability for all living souls as well as protecting biodiversity and all species ,otherwise, air pollution and environment effects occur unsustainably in various aspects which will be complicated later on and it is civilians responsibility beside the governors. These aspects have to be well monitored in a transparent way. Furthermore, controlling the suburbs in the right way of planning as being mentioned effects on high density areas which can certainly help to decarbonize them and to look forward carbon balancing and carbon reduction, but city centers alone is a major role struggle. In Addition to this, promote a connection framework in transportation is important to encourage green and balance the population between cities and suburbs, which is obviously depend on
In inner London, urban regeneration has resulted in displacement, and street-level tensions between new and existing residents (Atkinson, 2000). Outside the capital, there are similar risks in HMR neighbourhoods and other deprived inner suburbs. The outward movement of regeneration could be a source of potential conflict between existing and incoming residents. First, people already live there. Second, although it is not keeping pace with city averages, local property is becoming more expensive. Government data suggest that median house prices in Pathfinders more than doubled between 2002 and 2005 (ODPM, 2005b). Third, many residents are hostile to incomers. Stakeholders report locals’ fears that regeneration will push them out, and change the mix of the area (Nathan and Urwin, 2006).
structured questionnaire was used for interview and observation of food vendors to access the Of the 100 vendors, 2% vendors washed hands before every customer, 12% reported that ready to serve ted that place to keep ready to serve food is very clean, 5% stalls had no animals or pets evident around the stall, 5% had proper cleanliness of vending stall, 4% had hand washing facilities available, 63% stalls had clean environment, 4% vendors washed their hands in clean water each time before handing food, 10% vendors used an apron when handling food, 48% vendors clothes were clean, none of the vendor used gloves, 37% vendors had clean short nails, 3% vendors covered hair when handling, preparing erving food, 48% vendors did not the same utensil to prepare raw and cooked food products and 38% washed cutting board with soap and rinsed in hot water to kill bacteria. Of the 100 vendors, 2% cleaned food preparation t the end of the day, 1% once a week, 35% when it looked dirty whereas 59% washed it before they prepared food. A significant association was found between frequency of changing oil and age group with higher percentage of vendors above 31 years of age changing oil everyday as compared to those below 30 years of age (χ2=12.133, p=0.016). Significantly higher percentage of vendors aged 31 years and above washed chopping board with soap and rinsed in hot water to kill bacteria as compared to vendors less than 30 years of age (p=0.002). There was no significant difference for other food safety and sanitary practices when Food safety, sanitary condition and food handling practices are not adequate among street food vendors in Mumbai city. Educational programs need to be developed to educate street food vendors regarding
The benefits of greater participation of the voluntary sector are now recognised. The inclusion of representatives of various sectors in Strategic Policy Committees and County/City Development Boards represents a step in the right direction. It does not go very far and simply allows for relevant voices to be heard. It does not really address the issue of the representative character of such voices. One of the six sectors involved is referred to as ‘community/voluntary/ disadvantaged’. This amalgamation is quite interesting, because it assumes that the local community is adequately represented by those voluntary groups participating in partnership schemes which were set to overcome various disadvantages experienced by some ‘communities’. These partnership programmes associated localities (or communities) with socio-economic disadvantages and voluntary organisations dealing with these problems. But many communities are not disadvantaged and have a similar entitlement to participative democracy. Furthermore, local residents usually form associations which represent their interests. But they remain separate from the voluntary organisations which operate in the locality and are usually initiated or animated by ‘social entrepreneurs’ pursuing a definite agenda. This issue matters when it comes to decide about the representative character of the different sectors. For instance, who do the voluntary organisations represent? The question is easily settled in relation to the officials of residents’ associations who are elected within housing estates. It appears problematic for other voluntary organisations.
Over the last decade, rapid suburbanisation in Tallinn (the capital of Estonia) has changed the socio- economic composition of the population in different parts of the metropolitan area. 1 Among other things, this has led to a marked increase in commuting beha- viour between the suburbs and the city centre, 2 having a profound effect on the relationship between resi- dents and their use of urban space, 3 with obvious implications for planning and service provision. This rapid development was largely ad hoc and unregu- lated, and thus not supported by infrastructural improvements. Geographers and urban planners investigating these changes lack the official sources of data to do this – the last census was in 2000 – and are turning to alternative sources of data, with
Figures 5 and 6 sum the results across all twelve survey areas. This is not entirely a fair picture. An important finding is that the behaviour of residents in the different suburbs and exurbs varies very significantly (see figure 7). There is no standard pattern of car dependence. The level of personal motorised transport use varies from 36% to 82%, while conversely active travel varies from 62% of trips to 18%. Four of the original 12, Cherry Hinton, Trumpington, Filton Avenue and Barking, stand out as having higher levels of walking and cycling than the norm. Analysis of the data – both socio-economic and spatial – reveals some of the reasons. The first two are in Cambridge city, where facilities (including one superstore apiece) are reasonably close and there is a distinctive culture of cycling, not reflected in the other areas. Filton Avenue in Bristol has no such culture, but the most convenient disposition of facilities of the set. Barking study area is unusual in having quite long trip lengths but high levels of walking. This reflects on one hand the relative poverty of the area, and lower car ownership, and on the other, poor levels of local facilities. Many people in Barking have no choice but to walk well over a mile to get to vital facilities.
The physical boundaries, namely the peripherique autoroute, that are integrated into the the geographic set-up of the city of Paris have a decisive effect on the opportunities available to those that live outside, namely in banlieues. The historical context of the creation of banlieues and the racial marginalization and the subsequent social divisions that exist among the French, namely between those of different ethnicities despite their nationalities being the same, began with the migration of former colonial states’ people to France. The second class status afforded to them as immigrants has not been removed despite the many generations being born in France. The grouping of these people in banlieues because of the necessity of quick housing, has created a reputation of those in the banlieues that disenfranchises them from becoming involved and fully embracing French society. The high levels of unemployment, the diminished economic opportunities, and the weak social connections can all be attributed to the lingering racism, and now geographic prejudice, that comes with living in the banlieues. The social hardships these residents face, whether it be from racial or economic discrimination, are only exacerbated by the physical boundaries that keep them from being a contributing part to Parisien culture and
If this ethical framework is accepted, it might then be applied to modern communities. The concept of urbanization becomes very important here. Urbanization is the movement of people away from rural areas to large cities. Urban areas, then, are the cities themselves and the network of suburbs surrounding them. These urban areas can be broken down into subcategories by their relative level of “urbanity.” First, there is the metropolitan area proper. In this case, Chicago, Illinois. The city itself, and it’s surrounding neighborhoods, are highly urbanized. Moving westward from Lake Michigan, one starts to encounter suburbs, which are less dense than cities. Even further west, past the Fox River are the exurbs; commuter towns that are still dependent on the core city, but start to more and more resemble rural communities. Finally, farthest west, the wide open rural spaces (Houtman 585).
There are four potential threats to the centre. First, the centre has been under growing competition from the more successful centres like Harrow and the new supermarkets in nearby Kenton and Wembley Park. However it’s relative distance and the recently extended opening hours from a number of traders has helped Preston Road to consolidate its position. The second major threat has come from the growing levels of local deprivation with a mixture of an aging local population and a significant number of people being re-housed in the private sector during the rebuilding of Brent’s sixties housing estates at Chalkhill and Stonebridge. The private rental survey revealed that 62.5% of properties were being purchased by buy to rent purchasers, the highest result in the survey. Indeed the third threat to the centre is the growing transient population of short-term overseas workers. In particular the area is very popular with Japanese City workers and their families. Although this can create a very cosmopolitan feel, the loss of permanent residents can see the fragmentation of local networks and the erosion of the sense of local identity. In view that local identity is considered to be one of the strategic advantages of centres in suburban London, the absorption of once owner-occupied housing into the private rental sector and the expansion of a transient population is beginning to undermine this role other than a purely geographical association. The fourth threat comes from the lack of a specific strategy for the Preston Road’s long-term future in both the adopted and emerging Brent Unitary
The analysis of the correlation between urban sprawl and travel behaviour patterns has a long tradition in urban and transport planning. One development of particular interest has been the decentralisation of living areas from inner cities to the suburbs. This phenomenon was first perceived in the USA after World War II (Camagni, Gibelli & Rigamotti, 2002), and later in Europe and other industrialised countries. Changing lifestyles financed from rising personal wealth, as well as the increased desire for more freedom of space, generated the exodus from the cities. One solution was to move to the outskirts of cities creating new suburbs in order to obtain more living space at an affordable price with less construction impediments. While some jurisdictions managed to ‘curb the sprawl’ (Gow, 2000), numerous cities around the world have to cope with sub-urbanisation and its consequences. There are the direct negative effects on the natural environment generated by the scattered extension of low density land uses into rural and natural areas and a potential increase of air and water pollution. The most relevant negative factor however, is a change in mobility patterns. The city centres are depopulated through the loss of residential areas, replaced by offices and other tertiary uses. With more employees working inside but living outside the city centre, commuting distances have increased. The private motor vehicle is the most commonly commuter mode of transport as low-density suburbs are rarely linked with city centres by a convenient, direct and frequent public transport service.
The aim of this research is to investigate experimentally the relationship between free swell, plasticity index of expansive soil found in greater Cairo CitySuburbs, Egypt with swelling pressure of mentioned soil. Predicting Swelling Pressure of any soil is a time consuming and expensive test in comparison to determining plasticity index and free swell which are simple, fast and economic tests. In present research six samples of expansive soil were collected from different locations of study area. The method uses single variable and multiple variable regression analysis using Microsoft excel software.
Many residents were forced to flee the city in the first few days after ‘22-2’ but accurately quantifying these movements is difficult. Korero we’ve collected in our interviews talks about leaving the family home, for varying periods including permanently, and often arranging for children to live away from the city with whānau. Table 3 presents estimates for the outward movement of Māori. The first three estimates are taken from earlier studies (Newell, 2012; Price, 2011), the fourth, ‘maximum’ estimate reflects that the Eastern suburbs have been worst hit and as many Māori are, or were, resident in these suburbs, resulting in a higher estimate of outward migration for Māori. As with non-Māori, the numbers leaving were disproportionately young whānau and sole parents. It is estimated that at least 560 and possibly over 1,000 Māori left the city in response to the earthquakes. Statistics NZ data now indicates that 16,600 residents left the city to the two years to June 2012 ((Statistics New Zealand, 2012e). If the city average of 7.3% of this group are Māori then at least 1,200 Māori may have left Christchurch and given the impacts on the Eastern suburbs and other Maori communities and our propensity to move for opportunities, the number could be several hundred more.