International Aid and Development

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International Aid and Dalit Development A Case study of INGO Intervention in Tamil Nadu

International Aid and Dalit Development A Case study of INGO Intervention in Tamil Nadu

Registered NGOs along with FCRA got legal entity to get international Aid. Each International Aid Organizations (INGOs) followed their own funding policies; the funding policies were based on the ranking on Human Development Index of the recipients’ countries, major issues of the country, bilateral interest of the Aid distributing countries and also considering the UN standard charters on human rights promotion. The IAOs prioritized the funding in India was mainly for women, children HIV/Aids, Environment and so on, however they seldom followed exclusive policy
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When Helping Hurts: An Ideographic Critique of Faith-Based Organizations in International Aid and Development

When Helping Hurts: An Ideographic Critique of Faith-Based Organizations in International Aid and Development

vague term of “values education” it allows for FBOs to use ideographs, or dog whistle words, in plain sight. This is important because it signals to donors the nature of the outreach they are doing while the state is able to happily reside within the myth that FBOs are the best philanthropic partner to deliver aid and development resources because they do not proselytize. Similarly, Compassion International has posted testimonials from their Compassion Child program alumni describing the merits of their value education. For instance, Tannia from Ethiopia attests, “The compassion program really helped me become a person with Godly values, a person who interacts well with others and a person who believes in hard work” (“15 Successful Compassion Alumni Share About Life After Sponsorship,” 2017). “Godly values” is just as abstract and devoid of intuitive meaning as “family values.” What is key to both organizations using the ideograph of “value education” is the FBO can choose what values to embed into these abstract and empty terms. They then face little to no accountability due to the ambiguous labelling of promoting “family values” and “values education.”
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The international aid approach to educational planning :a case study of the planning and development of secondary education in Swaziland

The international aid approach to educational planning :a case study of the planning and development of secondary education in Swaziland

Chapter 8 examines donor intervention in the planning and development of secondary education in Swaziland, with particular reference to aid for educational planning, the part played by[r]

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International aid and financial crises in donor countries

International aid and financial crises in donor countries

What drives these large banking crisis effects on aid? As noted earlier, one likely channel is the major fiscal costs of crises. Aid is forced to compete with other priorities, most of them with larger domestic constituencies, as aid to the financial sector and other expenditures necessitated by the crisis crowd out pre-crisis spending. Articles on aid spending in crisis countries show this effect in action. In the years after the S&L bailout in the United States, Lancaster (2006) notes that “. . .new purposes . . . were not enough to protect foreign aid -- especially development aid -- from being slashed during the efforts of the 1990s to cut the federal budget deficit and the size of government.” Similar pressures restrained Japan’s aid in the early 2000s, as suggested by this quote from 2003: “Japan has relied heavily on aid to project influence overseas. But it has been forced to scale back on this diplomatic clout by a fiscal crisis that will see public debt soar to ¥686 trillion at the end of this fiscal year” (Watts 2003). In the current global crisis, conflicting needs are already putting aid budgets under pressure; for example, the Financial Times reported in July 2009 that “in 2009 Italian aid administered by the foreign ministry is being cut by 56 per cent” (Peel 2009). And aid is being forced to compete with domestic programs for those in need: as Ireland cut its aid budget
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International aid corruption and fiscal behavior policy

International aid corruption and fiscal behavior policy

In the second strand, we find studies supporting the positive effects of aid on development. Among them, we shall highlight that of Burnside & Dollar (2000) which concludes that aid can be effective when policies in place are good. The Burnside & Dollar (2000) work has received abundant comments from researchers (Guillaumont & Chauvet, 2001; Colier & Dehn, 2001; Easterly et al., 2003), whose findings have been challenged as being “extremely data dependent” (Clemens et al., 2004). Whereas Clemens et al. (2004) have shown that aid is beneficial in the short-run; Minou & Reddy (2010) have recently established that the beneficial effects could also be in the long-run. Gomanee et al. (2003) have concluded that aid has both a direct impact on welfare and an indirect effect via public spending and social services. The indirect position has been substantiated by Mosley et al. (2004) on poverty and wellbeing in recipient countries. While the effectiveness of aid is more straight forward for some (Ishfaq, 2004; Addison et al., 2005; Fielding et al., 2006) 8 and aid may promote democratic institutions (Resnick, 2012), the Okada & Samreth (2012) findings on „the effect of foreign aid on corruption‟ have recently been object of intense debate from an African perspective (Asongu,
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International Donors and the Aid Business: Analyzing Donor and Recipient Aid Strategies

International Donors and the Aid Business: Analyzing Donor and Recipient Aid Strategies

The recent debate on international aid is how to use aid to impact the development outcome. Making aid more effective in promoting the economic growth and reducing poverty. The main objective of this study is to examine the impact of foreign aid. Our interest in focusing on Africa is twofold. First, consistent with Asongu (2015a), while South East Asian and Latin American countries have been experiencing decreasing levels of inequality, that of Africa has been increasing. Second, in light of a recent World Bank report on attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), while extreme poverty has decreased in all regions of the World, it has been increasing in Africa. According to the report, about 45 percent of nations in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) are still off-track from achieving the Millennium Development extreme poverty target (Caulderwood, 2015; Asongu & Kodila-Tedika, 2015). We posit that aid effectiveness is not the failure of donors but mostly recipient inability to use aid effectively. If aid is well organized, manage and appropriately used it could directly lead to economic development. We introduce the case study, Zambia a least developed African country whose per capita income levels, had the aid model been correct, had the potential to reach $20,000; yet, despite structural adjustment lending and millions of dollars, Zambia’s per capita income level in 1990s hovered around a mere $500. Aid effectiveness will rest in increased economic liberalization, the development of institutions, and the improvement of economic and political environment.
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International aid, corruption and fiscal policy behavior

International aid, corruption and fiscal policy behavior

For over 50 years, the political economy of foreign aid has been substantially debated in academic and policy-making circles. A great chunk of the literature on institutions and development has concluded that Africa is poor because it lacks good institutions: lack of property rights, weak courts and contract-enforcements, dictatorships, political instability, hostile regulatory environment for private business and high corruption (Easterly, 2005; Kodila-Tedika, 2012, 2013). According to this strand, in order to end poverty in Africa, the West needs to promote good institutions in the continent. With the concern of how aid could promote good institutions in aid-recipient countries, a substantial bulk of the literature has focused on how institutions matter in the effectiveness of development assistance (Alesina & Dollar, 2000; Alesina & Weder, 2002; Knack, 2001; Dixit, 2004; Djankov et al., 2005). This paper has focused on the second strand of the challenges (highlighted in the introduction) by extending an ongoing debate on ‘the effect of foreign aid on corruption’ using investment and fiscal behavior
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Empirical evidence on the new international aid architecture

Empirical evidence on the new international aid architecture

selectivity and quality of aid. In a very comprehensive assessment of donors’ attitude towards aid, the Center for Global Development’s Commitment to Development Index (see Roodman, 2005)—covering not only aid flows, but also investment, security and migration—shows for 21 major donor countries—the same countries as in our sample except Luxembourg—an average improvement in the index (which runs from 10 between 2003 and 2006 (from 5.0 to 5.2). The question is whether we can identify, besides the general changes, particular changes at individual donors that may have contributed to the increased selectivity. Existing research (e.g., Berthélemy, 2006; Dollar and Levin, 2006) has already highlighted the differences among donors in their interests in development, with some donors having more altruistic objectives while others have more geo-political interests. Dollar and Levin (2006) show that there were improvements among specific donors with respect to policy selectivity. And the Center for Global Development’s Commitment to Development Index suggests some convergence in general approaches, with the standard deviation in the index among donors going from 1.00 to 0.82 between 2003 and 2006. The question is whether within our framework we also find evidence that these differences exist, whether they have also changed over time and for which donors specifically. Analyzing these (changing) differences among donors within our empirical
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Accountability in International Development Aid

Accountability in International Development Aid

Moreover, the institutions intermediate between the rich funders and the intended beneficiaries do not tend to face the pressures that keep other institutions accountable to their funders and their beneficiaries. Consider, for example, international aid NGOs. Aid NGOs are not run for profit, so are not accountable for providing good projects in the same way that businesses are held accountable for providing good products and services through consumer choice. Nor of course are aid NGOs accountable to any democratic electorate. And the checks that can constrain government agencies, such as media scrutiny and academic study, in fact put quite weak pressure on aid NGOs to ensure effectiveness in aiding the poor. Since NGOs are bringing money into a poor country, typically by implementing smaller, local projects, the government and the media in the poor country generally do not give NGO effectiveness serious scrutiny. Moreover, the failure of a complex development project in a poor country is not something to which the international media ordinarily attends. While academics do publish studies of the effectiveness of NGO-implemented projects, there are presently few paths for translating these studies into sanctions for poor performance. And external audits on aid NGOs cover only the basics of financial probity, without touching on the effectiveness of the NGOs’ projects. 20
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Conservative Backbench Opposition to International Aid: Is it driven by Hard Euroscepticism?

Conservative Backbench Opposition to International Aid: Is it driven by Hard Euroscepticism?

Despite the creation of a cross party consensus between the Conservative leadership and Labour and the Liberal Democrats, criticism of international aid prioritisation began to emerge from three groups: first, from UKIP, whose official line of ‘charity begins at home’ (Jones and England, 2015) was expressed in more offensive terms by Godfrey Bloom MEP, when he spoke of wasted resources going to ‘bongo bongo land’ (Mason, 2013); second, from sections of the print media whose negativity meant that international aid was also presented from a narrow domestic perspective at the expense of the needs of recipient countries (Cawley, 2015). The Mail on Sunday was at the vanguard of this and they encouraged public support for their petition calling for the Government to ‘stop spending a fixed 0.7 percent of our national wealth on foreign aid’—this passed the threshold for qualification leading to a debate within Westminster Hall by the Petitions Committee in June 2016. The third group which openly criticised international aid prioritisation was the backbenchers of the Conservative Party. Former International Development Secretary, Andrew Mitchell, a keen proponent of the 0.7 percent target, would later admit that it became a ‘running sore’ and a ‘focus’ of anti-Cameron ‘discontent’ (Ashcroft and Oakeshott, 2015: 279, 284).
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Aid Volatility, Policy and Development

Aid Volatility, Policy and Development

International Disaster Database 16 . In order for a disaster to be entered into the database at least one of the following criteria has to be fulfilled: (i) 10 or more people reported killed, (ii) 100 people reported affected, (iii) a call for international assistance or (iv) a declaration of a state of emergency. Disasters include floods, earthquakes, epidemics, droughts, famines, windstorms, etc. There are three measures of data available, (i) the number killed, (ii) the number affected and (iii) the value of the damage done. We feel that the number killed may not give an appropriate indication of the impact on the economy or aid flows – a large number can be killed in a relatively contained disaster with little overall impact. The value of the damage done is a better measure of impact but this measure is still being developed and hence we use the number of people affected and restrict this to where the number affected is above 10% of the population. The variable we use is the percentage of the population affected. The number of such disasters has been steadily increasing, which may be part of the reason for the increasing time trend in aid volatility reported in table 2: in 1960-64 there were just two disasters classifiable in this way, whereas in the period 1998-2001 the number had risen to 77. In part this reflects the impact of climate change and there has not been such a great increase, for example, in earthquakes. Clearly this subject needs further research and the measure further refinement but we feel that this does represent a potentially important area of new research.
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Europeans and Development Aid. Report

Europeans and Development Aid. Report

• The role of the EU as a development aid actor appears to be appreciated but not well defined. Broadly equal shares believe it is advantageous that the EU is active in cooperation programmes (28%); that it is the strongest and best recognised global player (24%); that the aid from Member States is given in a coherent manner through the EU (23%); and that European cultural diversity guarantees a more effective and less biased approach (22%). A relatively high proportion of “don’t know” answers was received for this question which implies, along with the divided nature of public opinion, that Europeans have difficulties in forming their opinions on this topic.
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Blockchain for humanitarian action and development aid

Blockchain for humanitarian action and development aid

Two of the most engaging notions introduced are “col- ored coins” and “qualified money”: the idea that moral principles and ethics can be embedded in the code of the distributed ledger technologies and allow individuals to align their spending with their own values. The au- thors give the examples of the CarbonCoin, which was designed to engage the environmentally conscious com- munity, and that of a Blockchain-based Islamic crypto- currency, in which transactions are aligned with Muslim values, and which include an anti-radicalization agenda. In the field of humanitarian and development aid, one can easily imagine donations that are digitally earmarked only to be used for certain services or to reach certain communities. It is easy to see why authors argue that Blockchain “may be a boon in developing or politically unstable economies” when paired with radical values (Kewell et al.). It appears, however, that Blockchain tech- nology is less to blame for its political instrumentaliza- tion. As it is with every technology, it reproduces current political situations and might thus become yet another tool to reinforce radical over liberal values.
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False moves: Migration and development aid

False moves: Migration and development aid

The political crisis around migration in the EU has prompted the foreign policy and security community to renew its focus on development and the relationship with Africa. This provides[r]

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Food Aid by the European Community. Information [Development Aid] 40/73

Food Aid by the European Community. Information [Development Aid] 40/73

By internal decisions within the Community it was agreed that the total undertaking should be dealt with partly by national action and partly by Community action.. With the passage of ti[r]

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Aid, Conflict and Human Development

Aid, Conflict and Human Development

We are left to speculate as to how certain results might have emerged, therefore. One is tempted to conclude that it is because countries with low HDI values receive larger amounts of aid. But this outcome is controlled for in the 2SLS estimation, which still yields a negative and significant aid variable coefficient. The Kosack (2002) interpretation of this result turns on his finding that the aid- democracy interaction is positive. This is taken to indicate that the presence of an autocracy is bad for human development. Due to the lack of competitive elections, political participation, a free press and the absence of opposition parties, autocracies have the ability over time to spend less on social programs, and hence HDI values would be expected to be lower in these societies. By extension, they might over time consistently allocate fewer aid funds to, or greater funds away from, these programs, hence leading to a possible negative relationship between aid and HDI levels in them. Looking closely at the t-ratios for the aid-democracy interaction (β 4,1 ) in Tables 1 to 3,
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Towards a European Policy for Development Aid? Information [Development Aid] 20/72, October 1972

Towards a European Policy for Development Aid? Information [Development Aid] 20/72, October 1972

It would facilitate the smooth development of this,taking account,on the one hand, of existing links with the Mediterranean and African countries which reflect the special position in re[r]

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A New Agenda for Aid, Trade and Investments? A study to a paradigm shift in development policies and the role of international organizations

A New Agenda for Aid, Trade and Investments? A study to a paradigm shift in development policies and the role of international organizations

In order to ensure the anonymity and the legitimacy of the respondents, the quotations and the answers of the respondents will be anonymized as ‘respondent 1’ to ‘respondent 6’. The names and functions of the respondents are available in the transcripts of the interviews, which can be requested from the author of this thesis. Attention has to be paid to the background of the respondents and their position towards the subject of research, as I have interviewed both civil servants and political advisors of NGOs. The respondents working within NGO’s are, based on academic literature, assumed to be more critical towards government policies. Their rationality to promote the interest of their organization can influence their opinion on government policies, in special when government policy is disadvantageous towards Dutch development NGOs.
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Going Beyond the Averages: Aid and Development

Going Beyond the Averages: Aid and Development

11 on economic growth as the metric of effectiveness of foreign aid. There are three apparent reasons for this. First, some argue that this shift of objective from economic growth to poverty alleviation is misguided. According to Shleifer (2010), this lowers the accountability for donors and turns foreign aid into an international welfare program for developing countries. Second, there is a widely-shared presumption that growth and poverty reduction is the same: It is old wine in a new bottle. As Easterly (2003) puts it: “The aid bureaucracies define their final objectives ‘poverty reduction’ (today’s more politically correct name for ‘growth’).” It is; however, wrong to equate the two as income and poverty indicators do not always move in sympathy. For example, while Bangladesh has half the income of India per-capita, it
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Comparing legal aid spending : The promise and perils of a jurisdiction-centred approach to (international) legal aid research

Comparing legal aid spending : The promise and perils of a jurisdiction-centred approach to (international) legal aid research

The problem for a principal charge/conviction method, then, is that it produces very limited, and potentially misleading, aggregate information about the pattern of cases. This is due to a flawed characterisation of ‘similarity’ which demands that every case be defined and represented on the basis of one conviction only. The reader will recall that in practice a key determinant of the decision to grant or refuse legal aid representation is whether the case is sufficiently serious that, if charges are proved, a custodial sentence is judged to be a ‘likely’ outcome. In practice, how do legal aid decision-makers come to a judgement about ‘likely’ sentence outcomes? I would suggest that the basis upon which legal aid decision-makers arrive at a decision probably contrasts markedly from a principal charge/conviction approach to interpreting cases. Like other practitioners, legal aid decision-makers attempt to consider the sequence of events in the whole case rather focusing exclusively on one arbitrarily selected ‘principal’ charge. Elsewhere I have discussed these issues further and offer an alternative method based on researching agencies’ conceptions of ‘typical whole case stories’(Tata 1997). Legal aid research which attempts to identify officials’ working professional knowledge about the similarity and seriousness of cases would be fruitful. The research would try to tease out the ways in which officials decide and in particular how they judge the seriousness of a case and its likelihood of receiving a custodial sentence. It would try to gain a sense of how administrators intuitively construct meaning (for example, in terms of motivation, culpability etc. of the accused person if the charges are proved) from the file. In this way research would strive to capture routine representations of cases in their social context, ‘naturalistically’ (Manning 1992); rather than simply attempting to represent the case as a collection of supposedly discrete independent abstract ‘factors’ (Tata 1998).
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