Eventually, the Ukrajinizacija policies were curtailed and Soviet ethnic particular- ism was replaced by the ideology of all-Union uniformity and Russification. Following the mood of the decade, the 1929 orthography was quickly defined as “nationalistic”; its cre- ators were labelled “Ukrainian fascists” (Chvylja 1933; Masenko et al. 2005: 120). In 1933, a chief party propagandist and a deputy Commissar for Education Andrij Chvylja published an article in the official newspaper “Bil‘šovyk Ukrajiny” with a telling title To Eradicate, to Exterminate the Nationalistic Roots on the Language Front (Chvylja 1933; Masenko et al. 2005: 112-132). The article later appeared as a separate brochure and was distributed re- public-wide. The previous orthographic commission was accused by Chvylja of “directing the Ukrainian language along the nationalistic lines” (Chvylja 1933). Skrypnyk’s language reforms were seen as means of “constructing barriers between the Ukrainian Soviet culture and the Russian Soviet culture” and redirecting the trajectory of Ukraine’s cultural devel- opment “towards bourgeois-nationalist path” (Masenko et al. 2005: 116). By this, Skrypnyk was put in line with the unr leaders and the Ukrainian nationalists in Galicia, who, as asserted by Chvylja, repeatedly tried to orient the Ukrainian language and culture towards the “bourgeois Europe” and, thus, against “the fraternal union with the Russian culture [seen as] Asiatic language and culture” (Masenko et al. 2005: 120).
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3). The United States, Mexico, and Canada have each made significant changes to their agricultural policies over the past several years. In the area of income supports, each country has instituted a countercyclical program that provides addi- tional assistance to producers during downturns in com- modity prices, and each continues to decouple key support programs from production decisions. In other areas, the reforms of the three countries have different points of em- phasis. The United States has expanded spending on con- servation activities, especially on lands in production; it has
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The study examined the extent of the effect of control of corruption and political (in)stability on economic development in African countries. The study employed System General Method of Moment (GMM) framework on recent pooled of data from thirty-seven African countries over a period of 1996 and 2016.The study found evidence of political instability though not statistically significant and ineffective control of corruption in African countries. The study also found that simultaneous implementation of policies towards ensuring political stability and effective control of corruption are not complementary and has more negative impact on development in the region. Both policies are substitute in the context of African economy, and hence should be pursued through sequential reforms. This study also found that continuous implementation of the current policies towards having both political stability and effective corruption control may not have positive impact on development in Africa. The study strongly supports sequential policy reform in the region and also recommends review of the ongoing policies towards ensuring effective control of corruption in the region.
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Introduction: In Mexico the right to health protection is recognized in the Constitution and within the framework of the state reforms, in this document the reforms concerning the health policies are found. In Mexico this process began in the eighties from the last century. A strategy for its implementation has been the establishment of the Popular Health Insurance, strategy which has had special features in different country regions. One of these regions is the State of Mexico. Since its inception in 2002, the Popular Insurance pro- pounds to join the task so that by the year 2010 all Mexican population had coverage of healthcare services at 100 per cent. After sixteen years from its be- ginning, the first documentary revision is made identifying if it has achieved its population coverage goal. Method: Different official documents which present the development of its implementation specifically in the State of Mexico are revised. Results: In México, the Popular Insurance as part of the reform to the policies to its establishment and implementation in the State of Mexico, using the same existing health structure appropriating physical and human resources. In terms of the services it grants, it neither cover all those that the society from the State of Mexico demands, nor does it grant the ne- cessary medicine to its care.
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Throughout this second decade of reforms, national factors continued to influence MFR policy changes, but in a different way and not as heavily as other factors. That Marcel could use DIPRES institutional authority and power to further advance MFR government- wide was undoubtedly very important. But of equal or even more relevance were two further factors. International organisations provided Chilean policymakers with a ‘stamp of approval’, both through their positive evaluations on the state of the SECG, and the regional dissemination of the ‘Chilean MFR model’. Furthermore, the continued presence of Marcel and members of his team throughout 2000-2010 ensured that learning from previous reform experiences would be taken into account when developing this new round of MFR reforms. The following pages will be divided into five sections. The first one will describe how DIPRES officials redesigned the performance management tools implemented in previous years, and how they sought to create a ‘system’ more closely associated with the process of budgetary policymaking. The second section will then show how and why DIPRES officials tried to ‘spread the word’ about the newly created SECG; and how they secured the endorsement of international organisations. The third section will analyse how and why the latter became increasingly interested in the Chilean ‘model’; it will then present the channels used for its international diffusion. The fifth section will briefly explore what happened to the SECG after Marcel’s departure from DIPRES in 2006, including references to president Sebastián Piñera’s initiatives on MFR at the beginning of his administration in 2010. The chapter will close with some concluding points.
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The need to adhere to rules and policies – even where there are political and fiscal pressures to break such policies or rules, becomes all the more crucial with monetary unions where greater coordination is required between authorities and member states, and also where greater and far-reaching repercussions exist in the case where rules are not complied with by more influential member states. A decision making authority whose rules are binding - to the effect that even more significant and influential member states are not able to circumvent such rules, is required for in economic and fiscal matters – as well as political decision making issues. Even though ( Ortiz 2012:12) is of the opinion that “the question regarding the effectiveness of policymaking – or lack of it - in the Euro area, is concerned with the absence of political mechanisms ” , there is no doubt that political leadership and mechanisms exists – the question and issue relates to the identity which such political leadership will assume and the direction in which such leadership and political mechanisms will operate. Furthermore, clearer, more defined rules and guidelines will be hugely beneficial in facilitating more coordinated economic and political linkages which will foster better outcomes and results in matters particularly related to central bank independence.
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Since the late 1980s, most centrally planned economies (CPEs) have transited their economies into market oriented ones, and the reform of monetary and exchange rate policies in these countries are essential, because of their historical legacy. Most CPEs had typical features such as state ownership of means of production, government set up physical input and output plans, as well as fixed prices. Foreign trade mainly relied on the countries within the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA1 2 ), this was in the form of barter trade among these countries. A passive financial system and mono banking system included state bank and state specialised financial institutions". State banks had significant monopoly power over banking and credit, specialised financial institutions usually provided banking services to particular sectors (for example State- Owned Enterprises (SOEs)) that were specified by the state bank authorities (Sundararajan 1992). Banking system activities and monetary policy (monetary management) in these countries played a passive role that provided the financial assets required to finance the real sector transactions prescribed by the central plan (Wagner 1998: 6). Exchange rates were considered as an accounting device to convert the domestic and foreign prices during the barter trade between CMEA countries, since physical input and output plans also contained foreign exchange, external borrowing and import plans (Sundararajan 1992).
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institutional characteristics and hence the necessity for designing development policies so as to keep this mechanism unaffected has never been emphasized. In this short theoretical note without undermining the efficacy of other suggested measures, we have demonstrated by using the simplest and possibly the most widely used Heckscher-Ohlin- Samuelson (HOS) trade model for a small open economy with endogenous labour market distortion how the existence of labour market imperfection can lessen the gravity of the detrimental TOT shocks on welfare of these economies. Furthermore, we have shown that policies aimed at deregulating the labour market hurts the effectiveness of the inherent shock-absorbing capacity while trade reforms e.g. lowering the tariff rates on importables produce the opposite effects. Hence, the developing countries are advised to think twice before going for labour market reformatory policies and to enthusiastically implement trade reforms and lower their tariff rates on their importables for shielding themselves at least to a certain extent from detrimental consequence of exogenous volatile price movements in the international market.
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capital, modern technology, access to international market, and competitiveness of industries, etc. (Das and Barua, 1996; Chakravorty, 2000; Ahluwalia, 2002). Following the changes in the policy regime there has been a growing concern among the researchers and policymakers about the impact of economic reforms on regional industrialisation. The skeptics of market reform claimed that the economic reforms process and the WTO-led trade liberalisation policies since mid 1990s will lead to increase in spatial concentration of industries, since the new policy regime curtailed the role of the State as industrial owner and industrial location regulator, and hence, the State could not directly influence balanced regional industrial development. The findings of the existing studies about the trends in spatial concentration of industries after reforms are ambiguous, though majority of studies have provided evidences for increasing spatial concentration in the post-reform period (Chakravorty, 2000, 2003; Lall et al., 2001; Soo, 2002; Lall et al., 2003; and Lall and Chakravorty, 2005). Chakravorty (2003) and Lall and Chakravorty (2005) found that spatial concentration of organised manufacturing industries (measured in terms of Moran’s -I) across Indian districts has increased (from 0.093 to 0.161) during 1994-94 to 1997-98. Using the same data set Chakravorty (2000) also observed increase in the Moran’s -I for the post-reform period. Most of the findings of these studies have also tested and vindicated in Chakravorty and Lall (2007). Soo (2002) have examined the concentration of organised manufacturing industries across 16 major states for the period 1980-1997 using spatial Gini index and found that the mean value of Gini index has declined between 1980 and 1991 (from 0.565 to 0.519) and then increased to 0.551 in 1997. In a recent study Barua and Chakraborty (2010), found that regional inequality in the distribution of manufacturing value added across 26 states has significantly increased during (1981-2000).
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Results: Although each country needs to tailor its policies and reforms based on its own contextual factors, the legal right of citizens to social security and health protection are enshrined in most countries' Constitution. Some countries adapted political and economic reforms to evolve their Social Health Insurance schemes. Na- tional laws to push governments to adapt UHC as a national strategy for ensuring that every resident is enrolled in health insurance schemes are key policies to reach UHC.
Member States are increasingly focusing on "active inclusion" 5 to strengthen social integration. There is a clear trend towards making benefits more strictly conditional on active availability for work and improving incentives through tax and benefit reforms. Some Member States show how conditionality can be successfully combined with gradual tapering off of benefits on re-entry to the labour market and with tax credits for low-paid jobs to enable the labour market participation of disadvantaged people. Reinforced active labour market policies, opportunities to upgrade skills, including IT, efforts to address educational disadvantage and appropriate counselling are also vital elements in a balanced policy mix for active inclusion. Importantly, to ensure that strengthened conditionality does not weaken support for those who are unable to work some Member States have set out to improve the coverage of benefits. But the need to guarantee adequate minimum income levels receives insufficient attention in many strategies.
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The intellectual principle behind electricity restructuring is that competition should be introduced wherever possible in the power sector. The main components of this restructuring are corporatisation, privatisation and unbundling the sector. The rise of the neo-liberal economic policies in the 1980s shrunk the scope of the state and opened the markets for the private sector. These ideas were sharpened by international financial institutions and spread to the developing world largely through the policy based lending, over the time the restructuring model became part of this neo-liberal economic reform (Dubash et al., 5244). In the neo-liberal developed world, the restructuring took place in the context of well functioning electricity systems providing reliable power to all on a financially viable basis where as the developing world faced problems like public debt, capacity shortfalls, low levels of electricity access, insufficient infrastructure and mismanagement (Ibid). In developed world the electricity restructuring was not aimed at solving these problems and blindly following this model could lead to serious setbacks to the developing world (Ibid). The basic idea behind the electricity restructuring is increasing efficiency driven by competition (Dubash et al., 2005:5250). If it has to be politically sustainable, the gains have to be realised and passed on to the population. Given the problems in the developing countries the restructuring and price benefits to the population is difficult because of several factors (Ibid) like government subsidies to the consumers. As the provision of electricity to the consumers has been the responsibility of governments for a long time, the restructuring may seek a shift of ownership to the private sector and regulation to an independent authority, the role of government will go down and the public perception of providing electricity by the governments at lower cost will not go down so easily (Ibid:5255). Moreover, the success of
Blodgett, Hunter, & Hayden ( 2009, p. 205 ) noted that "With the development and growth in international trade and international investment, China recognized a need to ensure that its domestic market would be perceived to be free from price fixing, monopolization, and the effects of invidious agreements between suppliers and/or competitors that restricted competition." There was also a strong perception that China would need to transform poorly performing state-owned-enterprises (SOEs) into fully-functioning private enterprises. Attorney Stephen Harris (2006, p. 173) noted: "These policies and many subsequent structural reforms have been pursued in an avowed effort to transform China's centrally planned economy, dominated by state-owned-enterprises, to a system that embodies free market characteristics but retains certain socialist attributes."
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The ‘economic’ interests alone, however, do not tell the whole story and there is the need to include an explanation based on the very ‘realist’ belief that stability is more important than democracy when it comes to the Mediterranean. In terms of political reforms in Morocco, the best outcome for the European Union would be a process of democratisation that brings to power a popularly elected leadership that is both secular and keen on continuing the same type of political and economic relationships that the current government subscribes to. This would entail the emergence of a very strong, liberal opposition to the King that is able to both marginalise the King politically (forcing him to cede substantial powers) and to outmanoeuvre the very popular Islamic movements, whose democratic credentials are not proven. This outcome is quite unlikely in the current situation. The largest opposition party at the moment in an emasculated parliament is the Islamic Party of Development and Justice. In addition to that, the most popular civil society movement in Morocco is an even more radical Islamic formation led by Sheikh Yassine. The popularity of the secular opposition has been constantly diminishing, as it is perceived by large sectors of the public as being thoroughly compromised. Thus, in these conditions, the EU cannot really attain the outcome it actually favours and it settles for the second best outcome, which is a rather stable and friendly authoritarian regime. It is far better to help Mohammed VI to stay in power than forcing elections that might throw up a leadership that questions many of the policies that the EU seems to be satisfied with when it comes to Morocco. The risk of an Islamist party coming to power through democratic means is not worth taking if it sacrifices the perceived stability of the region. 7 There is substantial evidence to demonstrate that an Islamist party in government may want to adopt policies that may be perceived as being antagonistic to the interests of the EU.
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Beech (2009) reports how this type of trend appeared in Brazil and Argentina at the end of the twentieth century as well. In these countries, the governments, at the insistence of multinational financial organizations, instituted reforms based on neo- liberalism promoted by those organizations. Education had a solely economic purpose. This new system was in stark contrast to the type of system that had been present in the countries. As a result, the new system was met by resistance and reinterpretation (Beech, 2009). This idea was also presented in chapter 4 of this thesis in the discussion around how policies are interpreted differently on the ground (Steiner-Khamsi, 2000; Bowe et al., 1992). The same type of resistance and reinterpretation is evident within the Cambodian policy documents. This variance in understanding around the purpose of education between the Cambodian government and multinational organizations is also indicative of different visions for the re-development of the country. For the Cambodian government, a post-conflict government, there is still a great deal of emphasis on the social and cultural elements of education. They see it as important for them to develop and instil a sense of national pride and citizenship in a wary populace after decades of social unrest and political instability. In a sense, education becomes a tool of self-preservation for the Cambodian state and culture. Yet, for the multinational financial organizations, economic matters are their sole concern, as reflected in the policy directives. The Cambodian government is able to resist this sole purpose through their insistence on the development and expansion of non-formal education. This does not mean that the Cambodian
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Perspectives from this study illustrate several lines for further research. By using official policy documents as a primary source of data, the study can only offer limited conclusions about the ways in which policy-makers, as central actors in the policy formation process, interpret and enact these official documents. Moreover, given the decentralized organization of the Spanish education system, in which teachers and schools maintain a considerable amount of autonomy, the use of official curriculum as a source of data limits conclusions about the ways in which teachers interpret and enact these education and curricular policies (Osler, 2011). Building on this study, further research could examine policy-makers’ perspectives and their utilization of PISA as a determining reference point or barometer for reform. Future research could also explore the impact of these indicators and the role that the EU and PISA play in guiding curricular policy reforms, for example in literacy, and early childhood education.
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The experience of the first year raises a number of questions about the overall thrust, content and governance of the re-launched strategy. From a political perspective, a key change has been to attempt to raise the political salience and visibility of Lisbon. In keeping with the stated priorities of the Barroso Commission, the re-launch has also emphasised more pro-business ambitions. The result is that the strategy is much less of a balance between the competitive and social dimensions of Lisbon I. The inconsistency of the signals from the top continues to be a problem, however, as there is yet again evidence of a shifting agenda following the October 2005 Hampton Court meeting. Arguably, this can only undermine the coherence of policy- making. The issue is not whether the four Hampton Court priorities are reasonable per se, so much as whether they confuse the messages reaching policy-makers and practitioners charged with conducting the Lisbon strategy. Moreover, even among the four priorities, the March 2006 European Council – judging by its prominence in the Presidency Conclusions – seems to have been especially keen to integrate the developing EU energy policy into the Lisbon strategy. The macroeconomic context also has to be considered. Several commentators bemoan the fact that there is only a limited connection between demand-side policies and the Lisbon strategy. A particular question that arises is whether a passive macroeconomic policy is likely to reduce growth potential, as Pisani-Ferry (2006) argues that it might. He also raises the question of whether an environment with neither sticks nor carrots creates what he calls a ‘reform trap’. A third concern is that growing real exchange-rate misalignments may mean an inappropriate collective monetary policy.
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Joining the WTO should represent a key turning point – the beginning of the end for the protectionism that has been a key determinant of the manner in which Chinese reform has evolved. However, two key question remain to be answered. First, whether the leadership have the political will, commitment, and perhaps even confidence in their own position, to see the reforms through. In this respect, the leadership has to come to terms with the reality that previous high levels of growth are not sustainable in the future. Second, whether key power-holders at the local level adhere to central policy rather than pursue their own local ends through licit, semi-licit and illicit manipulation of the financial, economic and judicial structure.
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In the analysis of public sector, various types of questions may be asked. These questions might take the following format. What criteria should be applied when one is judging the merit of various budget policies; what are the responses of the private sector to various fiscal measures such a tax and expenditure charges; and what are the social, political and historical forces which have formed the shape of present fiscal institutions and which determine the formulation of contemporary fiscal policy? Here, the first question asks how the quality of fiscal institutions and policies can be evaluated and how there performance can be improved. Perhaps, the answer requires setting standards of “good” performance. Moreover, objectives of efficiency in resource use must be supplemented by considerations of equity and distributional justice. The second question must be asked if the outcome of alternative policies is to be traced. That is, if the rents of a corporation profits tax or of a seller tax are to be judged, one must know who will bear the final burden; the answer to which in turn depends on how the private sector responds to the imposition of such taxes. On the other hand, if aggregate demand is to be increased, one must know what the effects of the reduction in taxes or increased in public expenditures will be; effects which once more depend upon the magnitude and speed of responses by consumers and firms in the private sector. However, the third question is asking why the fiscal behavior of government is what it is. This not only is a matter of economics but also includes a wide range of historical, political and social factors. Particularly how do interest groups try to affect the fiscal process and how do legislators respond to such pressures; how are the fiscal preferences of voters determined by their income, social and demographic characteristics; and how does the political process serve to reflect their preferences?
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Virtually all countries are now focusing on strengthening pre-primary education, which is considered to improve the prospects of succeeding in lifelong learning, especially for children from disadvantaged groups. Reforms undertaken on primary education include language screening and language teaching for children with migrant backgrounds (AT, DE, DK, EE, FI, IE, NL, LU, PT), and efforts to ensure the quality of primary education, for example through the development of framework curricula (CZ, LU). At the same time, the entry age to primary education has been lowered (BE, PL), and measures targeted at improving reading literacy also focus on identifying and supporting students with weaknesses already during the early years of education (DK, MT, SE).
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