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Europeanisation and the Third Sector: The Implementation of the 2000-06 South Yorkshire Objective 1 Programme

Europeanisation and the Third Sector: The Implementation of the 2000-06 South Yorkshire Objective 1 Programme

could play in the development and delivery of structural fund programmes, particularly with respect to tackling social and economic exclusion within CED priorities, had become “an accepted part of the EU structural policy thinking by 2000”. Such thinking was subsequently reflected in the South Yorkshire Objective 1 programming negotiations and SPD, in which the VCS was identified as the lead partner on Driver Partnership 4 (DP4), which would be set up as an operational partnership responsible for delivering CED priority aims and objectives under Priority 4 5 . The need to support the VCS in undertaking such a role was recognised. More specifically, the SPD proposed that Objective 1 Technical Assistance funds would be available to help strengthen the capacity of the VCS to fulfil its role as lead partner. Agreement was also reached during programming negotiations that the VCS would be included as a partner in all of the remaining driver partnerships responsible for delivering other Priority aims and objectives. The SPD also envisaged that the South Yorkshire Open Forum (SYOF), a sub-regional VCS umbrella organisation that evolved during the Objective 1 programming negotiations, would continue to develop as a VCS consultative and advocacy mechanism during the delivery phase of the Programme.
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The South Yorkshire Armed Forces Covenant model

The South Yorkshire Armed Forces Covenant model

E. (2018) The South Yorkshire Armed Forces Covenant Project: Mapping of the Armed Forces Community across the region, Data report (July 2018), Helena Kennedy Centre for International Justice: Sheffield Hallam University, ISBN: 978-1-84387-423-2, available on-line at: https:// www.barnsley.gov.uk/media/9597/the-south-yorkshire- covenant-project-mapping-report-albertson-et-al- july-2018.pdf

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Wither social enterprise? A typology of social enterprises in South Yorkshire

Wither social enterprise? A typology of social enterprises in South Yorkshire

Globalisation has largely been typified by deregulation and liberalisation of trade forcing businesses to constantly adjust and look more at external rather than internal markets (Favreau, 2000). Despite these developments, social needs of communities have not necessarily decreased, highlighting the need to continuously search for effective strategies to address them. It is against this background that social enterprise development in the UK and particularly South Yorkshire is discussed and analysed in this paper. The paper will particularly focus on legal structures of these types of organisations and how they impact on their ability to attain sustainability in competitive markets. The discussions will start with a historical perspective of the development of social enterprises, followed by operational issues associated with the sector in the UK. The paper will conclude by discussing findings of the investigation on social enterprises undertaken in South Yorkshire region and their implications on policy formulation.
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Not just for profit: an empirical study of social enterprises in South Yorkshire

Not just for profit: an empirical study of social enterprises in South Yorkshire

The South Yorkshire region has over 35,720 businesses, with an economically active population of 586,000 in 2003 (National Statistics, 2003; Yorkshire Forward, 2005). Historically, the economy of South Yorkshire was primarily industrial and this dates back to the nineteenth century industrial revolution with coal mining and steel production being the mainstay of the economy (Birch, 2006). The region’s economy developed as a dual economy comprising agriculture and heavy industry although coal and steel became dominant (Hey, 1969). At its peak in 1971 coal and steel employed approximately 187,000 people, which represented a quarter of local jobs, but by 1996 60% of these jobs had been lost (Yorkshire and Humber Plan, 2005; IdeasSmiths, 2004). The economic upheavals that plagued the entire region in the early 1980s explain this scenario. The accelerated closures of steel industries and coalmines in South Yorkshire resulted in massive job losses and devastated entire towns (Thompson et al, 2000). Beatty et al (2005) note that by the end of 2004, a further 65,000 jobs had been lost in South Yorkshire. These developments reduced the number of collieries to eight from a peak of 211 in 1981. This in turn created a plethora of socio-economic problems for people across the region (Objective 1, 2004). For example thousands of laid off miners and steel workers needed retraining (Murray et al, 2005). In addition to high levels of unemployment, the economic downturn also resulted in many families requiring welfare support. These
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Pathways to "opportunity and excellence": collaborative curriculum innovation in South Yorkshire

Pathways to "opportunity and excellence": collaborative curriculum innovation in South Yorkshire

The emergence of specialist (vocational) GCSEs and other vocational qualifications has supported curriculum innovation. Within South Yorkshire, the new qualifications are amongst a number of courses that are delivered collaboratively between schools, colleges and other providers. At a national level, a recent Ofsted report (August 2003) on the introduction of new GCSEs has found that the new courses do not yet enhance the development of the key skills of communication, application of number and ICT and recommends that schools make these courses available to a wider range of pupils, not just the lower attainers. The additional support for key skills funded by Pathways to Success has enabled the development of cross curricular activity to ensure that skills development is not bolt-on, is integrated with the wider curriculum and available to the full ability range in many schools.
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Lived experiences of Black African Immigrant Entrepreneurs in South Yorkshire

Lived experiences of Black African Immigrant Entrepreneurs in South Yorkshire

Firstly, it is acknowledged that the research is limited in its geographic scope to four urban centres in South Yorkshire (Sheffield, Rotherham, Doncaster and Barnsley) and but it is not intended to be generalisable, although it is intended that there will be scope for researchers of BAIEs in other urban centres to consider transferability of findings in other national and international contexts. The focus of the research is justified within the specified geographic context for a number of reasons; firstly, due to the fact that the majority (63%) of the BAIEs are new arrivals (1990s - 2000s) and were dispatched to South Yorkshire following the Home Office policy of dispersal of asylum seekers across the UK (Immigration and Asylum Act, 1999 according to Legislation.gov.uk/1999. The BAIEs in this research study are 'recent settlers' in South Yorkshire but they are also transient in nature and move between cities once their asylum case is processed for better jobs, opportunities and social networks. Nevertheless, their lived experiences will, at least partly, draw on their residency in South Yorkshire at the time of the interviews.
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Legal structure and outcomes of social enterprise: The case of South Yorkshire, UK

Legal structure and outcomes of social enterprise: The case of South Yorkshire, UK

jobs had been lost (Yorkshire and Humber Plan, 2005). The accelerated closures of steel industries and coalmines in South Yorkshire resulted in massive job losses and devastated entire towns (Thompson et al., 2000). By the end of 2004, a further 65,000 jobs had been lost in South Yorkshire (Beatty et al., 2005). These developments reduced the number of collieries to eight from a peak of 211 in 1981. This in turn created a plethora of socio-economic problems for people across the region (Price Waterhouse Coopers, 1988). For example thousands of laid off miners and steel workers needed retraining (Murray et al, 2005). In addition to high levels of unemployment, the economic downturn also resulted in many families requiring welfare support. As a result, the region benefited from European financial assistance to support regeneration activities, under the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) which involved a £1.8 billion investment programme in 1999 (SYIF, 2003). The development of sustainable social enterprises along with retraining was considered a key way in which deprivation and exclusion could be tackled across the region (Bache and Chapman, 2008; IPSEYH, 2004). It is in this context that social enterprise development is scrutinised in this paper particularly its effectiveness as an intervention to complement government efforts in tackling deprivation. These developments are central to the socio-economic issues affecting South Yorkshire.
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Evaluation of the South Yorkshire Restorative Justice programme (SYRJP)

Evaluation of the South Yorkshire Restorative Justice programme (SYRJP)

It is clear then that South Yorkshire Police, in conjunction with the Local Criminal Justice Board have successfully implemented a force wide Restorative Justice Programme. The programme has retained its strong management, oversight and governance and there are high levels of acceptance and understanding of RJ amongst officers which has begun to be e edded as usi ess as usual ithi the fo e. Senior level support remains strong and there is no longer any perceived conflict between sanction detection rates and RJ reporting. Police officers feel more empowered and appreciate the increased opportunities to use their professional discretion offered by RJ. While there are indications that RJ can lead to cost savings and efficiency improvements within the police force and the wider criminal justice systems, these were perceived as more likely to be associated with the quicker forms of RJ than the more complex and involved restorative conferencing.
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Labour politics and society in South Yorkshire

Labour politics and society in South Yorkshire

environmental conditions. In 1941 Tom Williams MP had contributed a foreword to a book on the lives of the miners in the Don Valley by Dr R. W. L. Ward entitled Old King Coal. Ward favoured coal nationalisation of the mines and was sympathetic to the problems created by miners’ living conditions. He included descriptions of local mining towns like Swinton, Denaby, Mexborough and Wath. Mexborough was described as ‘much maligned’ even though it was an ‘unlovely-looking town’ where the ‘houses look frowsy, the streets are narrow and winding, grimy and busy... I cannot recall a single fine tree or flower bed within a mile of the town’s dirty centre. Most of the factories look derelict and its places of worship short of paint and pride.’ However, he noted that ‘Yet it has a virile population, interested in cheap education, drama and other arts, and shops, where you can buy economically and well.’127 The Labour Party in South Yorkshire grew out of that ‘virile population’ and its cultural thirst. Sheffield Forward in summing up what it saw as Sheffield Labour’s ultimate aims in health care said significantly that Labour looked ‘forward, not merely to providing remedies for people who are sick, not even merely to the prevention of sickness to a much greater degree, but to a larger measure of health and a more abundant life, full o f vigour andjoy for all [emphasis added].’128 The words in italics state what Labour’s socialist ideology was really based around - not the arid debates on Marxist dialectics that characterised the theoreticians of the Communist Party, with their references to what Lenin, Stalin, Marx or Engels supposedly said. In some ways it was a weakness, for Marxism-Leninism always provided answers to questions raised by the faithful and a sense of the line to be followed which comforted most Communists. However, that line was often rigid and dogmatically held, only to suddenly force political somersaults on those who held it, as the strategic needs of the Soviet Union altered. Labour’s ethical socialist ideology, given ballast by the pragmatic philosophy of the moderate trade unions which stressed negotiation and compromise in the practice of free collective bargaining, was much more flexible (or as Marxists saw it opportunist). Labour believed the means used were every bit as important as the ideological ends.
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The South Yorkshire Armed Forces Covenant model

The South Yorkshire Armed Forces Covenant model

In terms of Action plan content consistency, each of the four area plans cover similar ground and are compatible. Each area plan has content actions that involve aspirations of: alignment with all area strategies to include the needs of the Armed Forces community; communications and marketing strategies; the development of work areas to engage local employers and schools; and reviewing, extending or raising awareness processes around housing allocations. The Action plans are constant and adhere to the same principles, which once embedded into mainstream Covenant provision will result in members of the Armed Forces community receiving a similar offer wherever they live in South Yorkshire.
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Community regeneration : The information society in deprived areas of South Yorkshire

Community regeneration : The information society in deprived areas of South Yorkshire

There is no getting away from the fact that the GEVH, the Learndirect centre and the library in Grimethorpe were all party to specific local, regional and national policies surrounding the role of ICT and the Internet and the economic regeneration of communities suffering from the deprivation. These three entities were funded to raise ICT and Internet awareness in Grimethorpe in order to help up-skill the local population and create an ICT literate workforce able to compete for new jobs being created within the South Yorkshire region (Priority 4, 2002, p.4; BMBC Lifelong Learning, 2006; UFI, 2006). Teaching former miners ICT skills these projects could help them overcome the inflexibility associated with skills learned down the pit enhancing their employability in the wider region. However, other problems were identified and many could be associated with why the CTCs were not being used by Grimethorpe residents. For example, even with ICT skills there was a lack of available employment in the local area and many of those who had experienced working at the pit were viewed as reticent to travel further afield for employment - referring to what Petra had called a ‘dependency culture’. This was compounded by the fact that many of the jobs that were available were not considered to pay a working wage by former miners in Grimethorpe. 7.7 Conclusion
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Social participation and social capital in South Yorkshire Coalfield Communities

Social participation and social capital in South Yorkshire Coalfield Communities

This article draws on responses from a 2004 survey of 3771 residents in nine South Yorkshire coalfield communities to explore levels of social participation and the relationship between social participation and social capital. The survey provides a relatively unusual data source as, in addition to collecting information about levels of participation, it elicits the type(s) of groups residents are involved with. The article provides two key messages for policy-makers and practitioners. The first relates to the findings and indicates that particular components of social capital are associated with particular types of social participation. The second relates to the survey
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Contrasting rural communities: The experience of South Yorkshire in the mid nineteenth century

Contrasting rural communities: The experience of South Yorkshire in the mid nineteenth century

farming’.57 They calculated that in England and Wales, farms of this size amounted to less than 17,000 and occupied only a third of the total cultivated acreage.58 Consequently, small and even some medium sized farms hindered this process, and without sufficient land, capital and skill, ‘high farming’ was not possible.59 Beckett also cited examples of experimentation and innovation on large farms in the East Riding of Yorkshire, Norfolk and Leicestershire, arguing that small owners were ‘considered to be too insubstantial to make any real contribution’.60 In addition, Overton demonstrated geological variation in the ability to practice ‘high farming’. He argued that heavy clayland was particularly disadvantaged from this point of view, and that drainage was the key to increasing productivity on this type of land.61 On the basis of this evaluation, few farmers in the six villages were in a position to engage with and benefit from ‘high farming’, as farm size alone was generally too small in the six villages studied, without taking into consideration land type and available capital. Indeed the West Riding of Yorkshire was not considered to be a county with a great deal of ‘high farming’ in spite of industrialisation and mechanisation. This is reflected in Charnock’s prize-winning essay through his assessment of the progress of agriculture in the county. Significantly, he attributed any improvements that had taken place to experimentation not mechanisation.62 He argued that improvements still needed to concentrate on adequate drainage of the land and rotation of crops.63
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COMMENTARY BASELINE ANALYSIS

COMMENTARY BASELINE ANALYSIS

Data on bus patronage is currently available only at a South Yorkshire level as cross-boundary bus services make disaggregation difficult. Discussions are taking place in the context of the Barnsley Bus Partnership to explore ways to present Barnsley only data. Baseline data: 113,900.00 (2006/07)

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Reducing Health Inequalities Implementation Theme  Briefing paper 1: Why health inequalities matter

Reducing Health Inequalities Implementation Theme Briefing paper 1: Why health inequalities matter

South Yorkshire with the highest rates of lung cancer. Communities that experience the worst deprivation have the highest rates of lung cancer. This is due in part to smoking prevalence and the cultural acceptance of smoking in some populations. However, added to this inequality is an increased delay in diagnosis. The study revealed a complex network of issues that contributed to this including the stoicism of these communities, expectations of chronic ill health at a young age and difficulty detecting acute cough symptoms against a backdrop of chronic lung disease. In addition, many of those at highest risk had worked in the traditional heavy industries such as coal mining, steel and the rail plant. Participants revealed that they were unfamiliar with using primary care services as in the past had relied on industry based occupational health services. 33
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Overview of Gypsy & Traveller accommodation assessments : Yorkshire & the Humber Region : Final report for Yorkshire & the Humber Regional Assembly

Overview of Gypsy & Traveller accommodation assessments : Yorkshire & the Humber Region : Final report for Yorkshire & the Humber Regional Assembly

All the Yorkshire and The Humber GTAAs post-date the draft Guidance on Gypsy and Traveller Accommodation Needs Assessments and most were undertaken after the completion of GTAAs in other parts of England, and particularly in the more southerly regions. The consultants involved in GTAAs other than the South Yorkshire GTAA had all worked on studies elsewhere prior to producing the GTAAs within the Yorkshire and The Humber region. 5 We have closely examined all 6 GTAAs and gone through a basic benchmarking process in line with Steps 1 and 2 of the approach proposed in the CLG report Preparing Regional Spatial Strategy reviews on Gypsies and Travellers by regional planning bodies (2007). It is important to stress that this is a desk- based process which relies on the GTAA report and any associated survey instruments. It cannot validate the accuracy of basic information. For example, it can check whether need arising from unauthorised
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Chapter 1: The first British arrivals, 1769-1839

Chapter 1: The first British arrivals, 1769-1839

James Jupp, general editor, The Australian people: an encyclopaedia of the nation, its people and their origins. North Ryde, 1988, pp.326-334, 367-379, 553-559, and 759-765. See also C.M.H.Clark, A history of Australia. Volume 1, Melbourne, 1962, especially pp.90-91; and L.L.Robson, The convict settlers of Australia: : an inquiry into the origin and character of the convicts transported to New South Wales and van Dieman’s Land 1787-1852. Melbourne, 1965. On the Welsh transportees, Lewis Lloyd, Australians from Wales. Caernarfon, 1988, pp.27-34; and Deirdre Beddoe, Welsh convict women. Wales, 1979. On the Scots, see Ian Donnachie, ‘Scottish criminals and transportation to Australia, 1786-1852,’ Scottish economic and social history 4, 1984, pp.21-39; Ian Donnachie, ‘The convicts of 1830: Scottish criminals transported to New South Wales’, Scottish historical review 1, LXV, 1986, pp.34-47; and Ian Donnachie, ‘ “Utterly irreclaimable:” Scottish convict women and Australia 1787-1852,’ Journal of regional and local studies 2, 8, 1988, pp.1-16. On the Irish, see Portia Robinson, ‘From Colleen to Matilda: Irish women convicts in Australia, 1788-1828,’ in Colm Kiernan, editor, Australia & Ireland: bicentenary essays,1788- 1988. Dublin, 1986, pp.96-111; Con Costello, ‘The convicts: transportation from Ireland,’ in Colm
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Overview of the Scottish labour market [November 2008]

Overview of the Scottish labour market [November 2008]

Figure 1 provides an account of Scottish quarterly LFS employment over a sixteen-year period to the most recent quarter – the earliest for which comparable figures are available. Employment levels remain close to historical highs, reached in Q2 2007. A comparison of the residence- based employment rates for the regions of the UK in Q2 2008 is provided in Figure 2. Scotland’s employment rate gives it the fourth highest employment rate of all regions in the UK, behind the South East, South West and East of England. Figure 3 shows that as well as in Scotland, five other regions of the UK have seen a fall in the employment rate in the last twelve months, with greatest fall (-1.1 per cent) seen in the North East.
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