There are a number of studies which propose ways in which human security can be realised. For example, Pierre Lizée, sees the achievement of human security essentially in the achievement of “democratisation and social justice”, in the “opening up of politico-economic decision-making which is central to human security” and “to the construction of the rule of law and representative democracy,
101 Macartan Humphreys, "Natural Resources, Conflicts, and Conflict Resolution: Uncovering
the Mechanisms," Journal of Conflict Resolution 49, no. 4 (2005); and Humphreys, "Economics and Violent Conflict."
which is at the heart of human security.”102 Lizée also argues a central role for civil society in challenging governments and paving the way for improving state adherence to the rule of law and principles of democracy.103 However, he also sees human security primarily as a “rallying cry” for civil society and does not seek to analyse the concept, its measures or impact at the level of the individual or group. He is more concerned about state politics and how it can be influenced by civil society, as well as by state-to-state relations, to comply with international norms. Nevertheless, Lizée captures the major themes widely advocated as the means for attaining human security, including democratisation, social justice, politico- economic decision making, rule of law and human rights. These are the approaches tested by my field-based study in chapter 4.
Since the end of the Cold War, the promotion of democracy has become a relatively uncontested activity of developed countries and the major multilateral institutions. There is, however, a risk of democracy appearing as a panacea for all social ills and for its Western form to be seen as a universal given. The Human Security Report correlates a reduction in interstate conflict with the spread of democracy, but is aware, too, that the econometric analyses have also warned that democracy may itself be destabilising, and hence give rise to human insecurities, at least in the short term. Human rights and the rule of law are also significant factors, but they in turn raise important questions about state responsibilities, even as there is a tendency to internationalise those responsibilities especially through internationally sponsored human rights approaches to development and an emphasis on democratic governance.104
There is strong argument for a law-based approach to achieving human security. However, this tends to emphasise the role of international civil society in achievements such as the formation of the international court, the ban on land mines
102 Pierre Lizée, "Human Security in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia," Contemporary Southeast Asia 24, no. 3 (2002): 509-27.
103 Examples of the sort of process envisaged can be seen in the experience of indigenous Thai
NGOs from the 1970s to the present, as they have campaigned for democracy, gone to the countryside to promote development and challenge large scale projects, and more recently taken extended activities into regional and global action on issues such as the environment and AIDS.
104 Sergio Vieira de Mello, Opening Statement at the Regional Cooperation for the Promotion
and Protection of Human Rights in the Asia Pacific Region Conference 25-27 February 2003.
and international outlawing of child soldiers.105 Less attention is given to the role of law at the local level, and how this can provide human security for local individuals and groups. Instead, the focus tends to be more on law enforcement by the military and police – so-called security sector reform – and the promotion of international efforts to improve the professional behaviour of state militaries, police and other security sector institutions, and their subjection to civilian control and acceptance of the rule of law and human rights, which it is argued will encourage “good governance” and development.106 It is argued, too, that by promoting civilian control over security forces, increased professionalism and decommissioning of excess service personnel, as well as confining the use of the security sector to roles consistent with Western norms and behaviour, human security will also be served.107 There are of course risks in such approaches as they may appear to represent yet more Western imposition and provide a more effective security sector to support narrow political and economic interests within countries and militate against democratic reforms. It may also result in more serious oppression against the local populations.
Such strategies assume that despite the individual focus of human rights and the rule of law, human security objectives will be achieved by state and regional security outcomes. Nevertheless, others have argued that human security can be achieved through social welfare and domestic development programmes which reduce the risk of domestic issues spilling over and becoming security issues between states.108 Something similar emerges in studies which point to civil society approaches to
105 Claude Bruderlein, "The Role of Non-state Actors in Building Human Security - The case of
Armed Groups in Intra-state Wars," (Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. Paper prepared for the Ministerial Meeting of the Human Security Network in Lucerne: 2000); and Claude Bruderlein, "People’s Security as a New Measure of Global Stability," International Review of the Red Cross, no. 842 (2001).
106 Alex J Bellamy, "Security Sector Reform: Prospects and Problems," Global Change, Peace
& Security 15, no. 2 (2003): 102; and Bruderlein, "The Role of Non-state Actors."
107 Bellamy, "Security Sector Reform: Prospects and Problems," 112-4. He also summarises a
range of potential pitfalls in security sector reform. See also Anthony Burke, "Caught between National and Human Security: Knowledge and Power in Post-crisis Asia," Pacifica Review 13, no. 3 (2001): 216-39, who notes a positive role for militaries in modernisation in Asia at the same time as perpetrating human rights abuses. See also Nicole Ball, "Reforming Security Sector Governance," Conflict, Security and Development 4, no. 4 (2004). The linkages being through enforcing the rule of law, enhancing respect for human rights, finding ways to solve conflict and creating political stability, thereby encouraging people to invest in development. This would be operationalised through governance, security sector reform, peacebuilding, partnerships with civil society and local capacity building.
108 P H Liotta, "Boomerang Effect: The Convergence of National and Human Security,"
human security. Thomas and Tow, for example, support a significant role for international civil society organizations in providing international interventions, based on case studies from Haiti and East Timor. These are, however, hardly convincing examples as the day-to-day livelihoods of populations and the engagement of local civil society in these countries is problematic. Major international interventions in a number of countries have failed in the longer term to develop an effective civil society and have provided only short-term reprieve from violence, much as predicted by the econometric analyses above.109 The emphasis needs to shift more to the role of local civil society (which may be very limited in some societies) in human security.
It seems that there is thus very little convincing evidence of how human security is to be achieved at the local level, especially if we insist, as Thakur does, that “human security puts the individual at the centre of debate, analysis and policy. He or she is paramount; the state is but a collective instrument to protect human life and enhance human welfare.”110 At the same time, the achievement of human security must co- exist with attention to state, regional and global security interests. In practical terms it is recognised that rich countries need to address both traditional and human security issues in balancing their foreign policy approaches to ensure their own security. This can be seen in Australia’s relations with East Timor, Papua New Guinea and other countries in the Pacific, and in the Solomon Islands in particular. There the security threat of a failed state on Australia’s doorstep is being addressed both by conflict resolution and the very kinds of welfare and development approaches suggested by Liotta.111 Australia’s military, for example, has been asked to play the role of peace keeper and to uphold human security in a number of countries such as Cambodia, East Timor, Afghanistan, Iraq and the Solomon Islands. However, these interventions are still suggestive of “doing” human security.
Overall, there are a variety of factors which are proposed as being fundamental to the achievement of human security. All are relevant, but as will be evident in the case of Cambodia, the prioritisation of one over the other in a general or theoretical context will have very limited value—the need is for a much more holistic approach to
109 Thomas and Tow, "The Utility of Human Security: Sovereignty and Humanitarian
Intervention."
110 Ramesh Thakur, "A Political Worldview," Security Dialogue 35, no. 3 (2004): 347. 111 Liotta, "Boomerang Effect: The Convergence of National and Human Security," 473-88.
human security in the prioritisation and application of strategies in response to specific local and national circumstances. To do this, human security in developing countries, as elsewhere, needs to be considered at the local and state level and not bound by an international security framework which depoliticises it locally.112 The international approach of external states, international organisations and international civil society organisations not only risks divorcing the state from its domestic responsibilities for human security, but also reduces it to what is necessary for the wider international security interest. As a result, it may be seen to be achieved simply by an absence of conflict and reduced poverty levels.
The need for civil society in the re-politicisation of national and human security issues within the domestic context as well as internationally is significant. But civil society movements must respond to actual conditions and remain politically active. The risk for them is that if they become institutionalised after achieving their initial aims, they also become de-politicised.113
Although Tan See Seng, like Booth, sees social movements as important in the process of achieving human security, his emphasis is on the international dimension of social movement and, while that will be important to the achievement of human security, there must also be a similar emphasis on politicising issues through local social movements. This idea of social movements is significant because, if human security is to be politicised, then it must be in response to people’s perception of a threat to themselves or others. Hence, there needs to be some way of expressing the security concern in a political process in the appropriate context – local government, state, regional or global depending on the political dimensions and importance. In the absence of local studies of human security it is not surprising that its achievement has been largely assumed to depend on international activities, especially the promotion of human rights and human development norms. The record to date has not been convincing. Despite that, however, as noted above, it has been argued in support of the narrow definition of human security that the broader concept adds nothing to what is already offered by human rights and human development. The next section will explore the relationship between human
112 Tan See Seng, "Human Security: Discourse, Statecraft, Emancipation," in The Human Face
of Security: Asia-Pacific Perspectives, ed. David Dickens (Canberra: Canberra Papers on Strategy and Defence No. 144, ANU, 2002).
security, human rights and human development in more detail to show that human rights and human development approaches can benefit from being incorporated into a broad human security approach.