Multi-level party organisation: a framework for analysis

Figure 2.2 summarises the research framework described above and the independent variables of the model. The factors that influence party organisation are first, the type and extent of the regionalisation of the state, territorial cleavages and territorial diversity, and regionalism; then the electoral systems, the party system, the impact of regional elections and the notion of second-order elections; and finally the models of party organisation, party ideologies and party finance. These factors are filtered by the party leadership, so that only the most significant changes in the environment lead to organisational change.

Figure 2.2. Organisation of state-wide parties in multi-level settings: framework for analysis

LEADERSHIP perception – leadership goals MULTI-LEVEL PARTY ORGANISATION

AND PARTY CHANGE - Autonomy of regional branches

- Role of regional branches in the state-wide party Electoral system

Electoral cycle Stakes of regional elections

PATTERN OF PARTY FORMATION

Origins and type of federal/

regionalised system Cleavage structure – heterogeneity

3 faces of organisation, party model Party ideology Funding and distribution

of resources

To recapitulate, the framework expects that state-wide parties adapt to the form of regionalisation or federalism and are influenced by the historical circumstances that generated the devolution of power to regional sub-units of government. All things being equal, we expect a direct, positive correlation between the scope of powers of regional governments and the level of autonomy of regional party branches in state-wide parties. A dual distribution of powers between central and regional governments is expected to create conditions that facilitate the autonomy of regional party branches and limit their involvement in the party's central decision-making processes.

Conversely, with a cooperative distribution of competences, regional party branches are expected to have more limited powers and the central party is expected to be more involved in regional party affairs. To compensate for these limited powers, regional party branches should be more included in central decision-making. Moreover, institutional asymmetry is likely to be reflected in the organisation of state-wide parties, with more powers given to the branches in those regions that have been granted more competences.

Territorial cleavages are also expected to affect the organisation of state-wide parties. First of all, the regional branches are expected to be more autonomous in those regions where the territorial cleavage is stronger, with distinct regional traits such as language, cultural practices, etc. Strong regionalist feelings and a high level of support for regionalist parties also create conditions that increase the likelihood of regional differences and therefore increase the pressure on state-wide parties to give more autonomy to their regional branches.

In this respect, electoral factors are very important. The electoral system can have a direct impact on the organisation of the parties, facilitating central control or making it more difficult. For instance, candidate-based electoral systems are likely to make the autonomy of lower party echelons easier, while list-based electoral systems are expected to facilitate top-down control. Electoral systems can also affect the parties indirectly by influencing the number of parties and allowing ethnoregionalist parties to be serious electoral challengers against the state-wide parties. PR electoral systems are likely to facilitate the representation of a larger number of parties, including ethnoregionalist parties. We expect that the regional branches of state-wide parties will be more autonomous when ethnoregionalist parties threaten their electoral position.

The electoral cycle and the sequence of elections between the state-wide and regional levels are also expected to influence party organisation. Vertical and horizontal simultaneity are expected to facilitate the nationalisation of elections and therefore limit the autonomy of the regional branches. Likewise, regional elections are likely to be influenced by state-wide elections when they occur closely before or after state-wide elections, thereby strengthening the central level oversight of regional party branches.

When regional elections are considered as second-order elections and are connected to state-wide politics, the central party is likely to play a role in regional affairs. In contrast, the higher the stakes of the regional elections for the regional electorate and the more the regional arena is disconnected from national politics, the higher the pressure will be for state-wide parties to grant autonomous competences to their regional branches.

A number of endogenous factors also affect the organisation of state-wide parties. The type of party organisation (mass, catch-all or cartel party) is likely to create conditions that either facilitate or hinder the party's decentralisation of powers to regional sub-units. It is expected that parties close to the mass party model will be

centralised and that cartel parties will adopt a stratarchical form of organisation. The catch-all party model does not address this issue of multi-level organisation, but they are expected to be rather flexible and to decentralise their structure if some electoral advantage can be gained from such an organisational change.

Party ideology and the parties' positions on decentralisation and the state are also expected to influence the level of party centralisation. Conservative parties are expected to be rather centralised, while liberal parties are expected to be decentralised.

Social-democratic parties should be somewhat in between: the stronger the classical socialist component in the party's ideology, the more centralised the party.

The way parties are funded is also likely to influence the internal distribution of power between the central and regional levels. If resources are distributed from the centre, regional party branches will be more dependent on the centre and the party is therefore likely to be more centralised. Conversely, if they directly receive donations and/or public subsidies, they are more likely to be autonomous.

The relations between the levels may also be affected by the incumbency status of the regional and central levels if party organisation. When the central party is in government, the central leadership will try to centralise the organisation and control the regional branches. When the central party is in the opposition and a regional branch is in government, the regional branch is likely to increase its autonomy thanks to the resources of regional executive office. As a result, the balance of power between the centre and the regional branches may change, depending on the electoral results of either or both.

The power and autonomy of the leadership is deemed to be a crucial factor in the ability of parties to adapt to their environment. The effects of all internal and external factors on party organisation are mediated by party leaders (at both levels, but in particular at the central level), whose perception of the need to adapt to changes in the environment is a crucial trigger of party change. The central party leadership is a very important element in this process of change, as its perception of the party's environment can either facilitate or hinder change. Regional party leaders can also play a significant role in this process, as they can affect the perception of state-wide party leaders. They can either put pressure on the central leadership to accommodate their need for regional adaptation of the party's message and strategy to the regional context or on the contrary bow to the authority of the central party.

The relationship between the central and regional levels of party organisation takes two aspects: on the one hand, the degree of autonomy of the regional party branches in the management of regional functions (and the concomitant level of involvement of the central party in regional party affairs), and the extent to which regional branches are involved in the central organs of the state-wide parties. Overall, it is easier to predict the level of autonomy than the degree of integration of regional party branches in central decision-making organs. For this last indicator, only the type and scope of regionalisation can help us predict the level of involvement of regional branches and representatives in central party organs.