For a study of school **mathematics** it is essential to establish a consistent definition for achievement and to establish what counts as a significant achievement result. Guskey (2013) broadly defines achievement as the accomplishment of **mathematics** learning goals. It is associated with specific curricular targets or aptitudes yet ubiquitously represented as aggregate scores; summaries of students’ item-level test responses. These characteristics are common in a great many papers that are reliant on achievement results. Type of instrument used to collect data, however, still allows for interpretive latitude. Achievement is variously defined as scores derived from teacher-generated classroom tests, standardized cross-sectional tests, and standardized longitudinal tests (e.g., Hyde et al., 2008; Hedges & Nowell, 1995; Lubienski et al., 2013; Voyer & Voyer, 2014). It is also encountered as scores derived from standardized aptitude tests and scores derived from standardized curriculum-based tests (Brochu et al., 2013; Mullis, Martin, Foy, & Arora, 2012). About the only reliable characteristic of studies in this respect seems to be a lack of discussion about what achievement is or how different instruments influence interpretations about achievement and, ultimately, claims about mathematical ability. In the current paper, therefore, achievement is defined as aggregate scores associated with students’ responses to standardized curriculum-based tests. This is a reasonable provisional definition that is consistent with many published **gender** and **mathematics** ability research studies. What counts as significant achievement results, meanwhile, is more a matter of convention. The disparate between similarities and differences in ability claims arguably rests on the relative importance afforded to Cohen’s

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II. M ATHEMATICS ANXIETY AND **GENDER** DIFFERENCES A particular focus of the present study was **gender** differences and **mathematics** anxiety. The studies concerning the relationship between **gender** and **mathematics** anxiety show different results (Anglin, Pirson, & Langer, 2008; Hall, Davis, Bolen, & Chia, 1999; Meelissen & Luyten, 2008; Penner & Paret, 2008). Some studies report that women have higher **mathematics** anxiety than men (Baloglu & Koçak, 2006). As Aiken (1970) pointed out, „„no one would deny that sex can be an important moderator variable in the prediction of achievement from measures of attitude and anxiety‟‟. Speciﬁcally, Aiken (1970) stated that „„measures of attitude and anxiety may be better predictors of the achievement of females than that of males‟‟. Similarly, Eccles and Jacobs (1986) asserted that **gender** differences in **mathematics** anxiety are directly attributable to **gender** differences in **mathematics** achievement. However, some studies indicated that the achievement disparity in **mathematics** is “small and declining” with competence beliefs as a stronger driver of performance outcomes. (Frenzel, Pekrun, & Goetz, 2007). Ma‟s (1999) meta-analysis concluded that **gender** differences are not statistically significant in **mathematics** anxiety.

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Given the prevalence of **gender** egalitarian ideology since the 1970s, Australian women have been encouraged to pursue tertiary educational credentials and professional occupations. While many women thrive in their careers, the integration of women into the mathematically intensive sciences has remained slow. The life course analysis in this thesis demonstrates that talented women who could be successful in mathematically intensive fields of study and employment are discouraged from pursuing advanced **mathematics** and related disciplines early in their educational career. This phenomenon is not only a waste of individual talents and potential but also a loss for society as the Australian economy has a huge demand for skilled workers with strong quantitative skills (Australian Academy of Science 2016; Australian Industry Group 2013). The policy suggestions for increasing female engagement in advanced **mathematics** made here may not be novel and I am aware that they alone will not bring about **gender** equality in Australian **mathematics** education. The under-representation of females in advanced **mathematics** and related fields of study has deep cultural and structural roots that will not be transformed by a few isolated policy interventions. To fully unleash the potential of females in **mathematics**, ultimately we need to alleviate the **gender**

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Literature on the relationship between **gender** and **mathematics** performance is abundant in psychology and education. Although early findings in the 1970s and 1980s consistently showed that boys outperformed girls in most areas of **mathematics** (see Benbow & Stanley, 1980; Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974 ), recent findings have suggested that **gender** differences on **mathematics** achievement tests have diminished for all grade levels through high school (Hyde, 2005; Hyde, Lindberg, Linn, Ellis, & Williams, 2008; National Center for Educational Statistics [NCES], 2004). However, there are still considerable differences in educational achievement and occupational attainment for men and women. College women continue to be underrepresented in math-related sciences such as engineering, computer and information science, physical science, and chemistry (Halpern et al., 2007; National Academy of Sciences [NAS], 2007; NCES, 2004). In addition, girls in high school show less interest in **mathematics** and are more likely to dislike advanced **mathematics** and science classes when enrolled (Halpern et al., 2007; NAS, 2007; NCES, 2004). **Gender** differences may no longer be as prevalent when focusing on **mathematics** achievement test scores but there are still continued differences between men and women in the **mathematics** courses that are taken and the career choices related to **mathematics** that are made.

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global economy, and other locally relevant factors such as ecological conditions (FAO, 1997). Despite this definition, **gender** is often misunderstood as being the promotion of women only. However, as we see from the FAO definition, **gender** issues focus on women and on the relationship between men and women, their roles, access to and control over resources, division of labour, interests and needs. **Gender** relations affect household security, family well-being, planning, production and many other aspects of life (Bravo-Baumann, 2000). In the light of this context the present study is entitled as students emotions among **Mathematics** high achievers” for the present research has been taken up. The focus for this study is on high school and higher secondary school students. A stratified random Sampling technique that was used for the selection of the sample in this case was random sampling technique. A total of 38 school students were selected from three different schools in Chennai city. The investigator selected 13 students from Government from Government aided school and 14 students from private school.

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In a comparative study by Kauchana (2002), **gender** differences in **Mathematics** self-concept of Indian and American undergraduate college students was investigated. The sample consisted of 196 American students (63 male and 133 female) and 150 Indian students (45 male and 105 female) from Chennai, India. A self-concept description questionnaire intended for use by adolescents and young adults 16 to 25 years was used. For the Indian sample, the mean score for males and females were 4.82 and 4.18 respectively, and the results indicated that male college students has a significant higher **Mathematics** self-concept (t = .17, p < 0.01) than female college students. However, difference in **Mathematics** self-concept between Indian students (mean = 4.38) and American students (mean = 4.51) did not reach statistical significance. In his view, it is indeed a challenge to the Indian culture, to enhance the self-concept of all students, while retaining the sense of belongingness of both the sexes. The findings in the above mentioned studies appear to support the notion that boys have higher **Mathematics** self-concept than girls; however, some studies have reported contradictory findings.

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Many researchers believe that one of the most important factors that make females avoid the themes of science, technology, engineering, and **mathematics** in childhood and adolescence stage lies in the negative and stereotypical perceptions of these subjects (Schuster and Martyny, 2017). It is also attributed to the society’s view of the roles of males and females and what society expects from them. In childhood, girls begin to confront **gender** roles, which are meant to learn roles as defined by societal norms based on **gender** (Ismail, 1986). Children learn about **gender** from early childhood, and the behavior of individuals is determined by beliefs, values, models and attitudes. These roles or stereotypes are shaped by the adoption of specific expectations for both males and females by the family and the community. Parents and educators teach males to behave in a certain way. In this context, Lenore (2010) finds that male stereotypes lead males to acquire applied skills, discover the physical world, and focus on activities that emphasize problem solving, financial gain, information technology and numeracy skills, that encourage them to progress in the areas of STEM in the future. Female stereotypes also guide females to household management, focus on family and family formation, and on activities related to personal relationships, which limit their future orientation and involvement in areas such as **mathematics** and engineering, even if they excel in these areas. Therefore, parents begin to facilitate the male path towards **mathematics** and engineering and directing females to other fields such as natural sciences and education. According to the Trends in International **Mathematics** and Science Study (TIMSS) 2015 Assessment Frameworks, the number of males enrolled in advanced **mathematics** programs exceeds the number of female students in 6 countries, while the number of females exceeds the number of males in only two countries (Mullis et al., 2016

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Shifting from negative to positive view towards **mathematics** entails a collective effort and support from the parents, teachers, and peers. This attitude towards the subject may influence student’s performance, grade, and career choice in the future [8]. Acknowledging that **mathematics** anxiety exists among the students, the educators should be aware of its causes and scaffold activities that would support the students to overcome this condition [9]. Several studies were conducted relating **mathematics** anxiety and student’s academic performance. Some argue that **mathematics** anxiety can have damaging effects for college students in terms of their engagement and grade achievement [10], [11], [12]. In a **mathematics** class, students feel an anxiety especially during examination, recitation and grade distribution. However, students who are anxious can also be beneficial. They tend to improve their metacognition when solving a mathematical problem [13], which could lead them to deeper understanding of the lesson. **Gender** is also considered to be predictor of achievement in **mathematics**. Several studies asserted that males have better mathematical achievement as compared to females [14]. Moreover, students perform the same in algebra when grouped according to **gender** but males perform better in geometry than female [15]. While **gender** is found to be related to **mathematics** anxiety and **mathematics** achievement, [16], the impact of **gender** on **mathematics** achievement remains to be an interest for many researchers. The objective of this study is to determine whether **gender**, **mathematics** anxiety, and the interaction between these two variables influence freshmen college students’ **mathematics** achievement. Particularly, the study will analyze the extent of anxiety of the college students when viewed based on grade, future, in- class, and assignment factors. This study was conducted with the hope that the result of the study will give substantial information about **mathematics** anxiety of the freshmen BS **Mathematics** students when analyzed by sex, influence their **mathematics** achievement. Moreover, the result of this study may be a basis to design projects and activities to scaffold learning tasks that will promote positive attitude towards **mathematics**.

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Previous research by social scientists and economists has explored potential explanations of the maths **gender** gap based on societal factors. Typically, the approach taken has been to test whether cross-country or cross-US state differ- ences in **gender** differentials can be accounted for by differ- ences in female status. In 39 middle- to high-income coun- tries taking part in the 2003 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), Guiso et al. (2008) show that up to a third of the cross-country variation in the female maths gap can be accounted for by differences in GDP per capita and in indicators of **gender** inequality as measured by the ‘Gen- der Gap Index’ (GGI). The GGI comprises four sub-indexes: (i) economic participation and opportunity as measured by a weighted mean of 5 ratios, namely the ratio of female-to- male: labour force participation; wages; earned income; leg- islators, senior oﬃcials and managers; professional and tech- nical workers; (ii) educational attainment as measured by the weighted mean of four ratios: literacy rate; net enrolment in: primary; secondary; and tertiary schooling; (iii) health and survival calculated as the weighted mean of female-to-male healthy life expectancy and female-to-male sex ratio at birth; (iv) political empowerment computed as the weighted aver- age of the women-to-men ratio of seats in parliament; min- isters; and female-to-male years as head of state during the last 50 years (see Hausmann, Tyson, & Zahidi, 2007 for further details). However, Fryer and Levitt (2010) show that the cor- relation between the **gender** gap and the GGI index does not hold in all the countries from the 2003 Trends in International **Mathematics** and Science Study (TIMMS) evaluation exercise, and point to a potential explanation based on the presence of a few predominantly Muslim outliers characterised by the dominance of single-sex schooling, and which exhibit both high female performance in maths and low levels of female empowerment.

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As pointed out by EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008 (UNESCO, 2007), teaching can be **gender** bias. In many countries UNESCO reported that boys are more active and participative in classroom interactions and they get more attention. However, girls in majority of countries are better in literary skills than boys. Interestingly, Mullis, Martin, Fierros, Goldberg, and Stemler (2000) presented in the TIMSS **Gender** Report that there are few **gender** differences in the average **mathematics** and science achievement at the fourth and eighth grades. At the final year of secondary schools, males have significantly higher achievement both in **mathematics** and science (Mullis, et al., 2000). Likewise, the Philippines share the same dilemma where the low performance and high drop-out rate of boys attributed to child labor poses a real challenge towards achieving **gender** equality by 2015. According to UIS data from 2007, boys mostly drop-out of primary school and that the relative access to education of boys and girls is missed in both levels (primary and secondary) of education (CPI of 1.20 in GER for 2008). In connection to these findings, EFA GMR in 2008 showed the difference on the teachers’ expectation on learning outcomes and students’ behavior according to **gender**. For instance, if a teacher observes that most female students have low performance in **mathematics**, all student interactions will lean towards by this conviction. This means that the learning and teaching process gear towards the **gender** stereotyping of girls and their right to participate in quality learning. Hence, it is also worthwhile to take note of the interaction between the teachers and the students besides giving importance on the school infrastructures accessible and safe for both male and female students. In their interface with students, teachers have to make sure those boys and girls are appreciated by them and the students as well. This can also be done by considering the individual and **gender** needs of the learners in order to attain quality education because these needs can address values and equity in the milieu of education and the learning/teaching processes at the classroom level. It is also important to guarantee the learning materials, curricula and methodologies in teaching are **gender** sensitive in order to promote **gender** equality in learning and teaching. In other words, the aim of **gender** education is to promote changes in broader social and cultural issues and structures thus, **gender** equality in education is connected to **gender** equality through education.

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We controlled for several factors to reduce any potential bias (as regards **gender**) in our results. Of the teachers whose students took part in the Kangaroo test, in Catalonia, 52.4% were female. This figure was slightly reduced to 49.2% in our sample. Of all the girls from the four years of secondary education considered, 43.2% participated in the test (corrected to 44.9% in our sample). In the case of the test results, the average female’s performance on the Kangaroo test was 57.37 points compared with 61.32 for the males. In our sample, these figures became 59.26 and 62.92, respectively. Thus, although our sample is quite small, our results are not **gender** biased with regards to either teachers or students. In fact, none of the differences presented here are statistically significant. Finally, as reported by schools’ principals teachers could not choose their students and, therefore, students were randomly assigned to teachers. In fact, some teach **mathematics** to more than one group at the same school.

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In international studies of **gender** differences in scholastic achievement, the differen- tial effects of grouping countries based on **gender** gaps, to the authors’ knowledge, has not been sufficiently investigated (e.g. Guiso et al. 2008; Hyde and Mertz 2009). How- ever, some studies have identified the importance of grouping countries in such studies. Reilly (2012), for instance, investigated the **gender** differences in reading, **mathematics** and science literacy for nations that participated in Program for International Student Assessment 2009. In some of his analyses, he made a distinction between 34 countries that were members of Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and 31 nations that were non-members or what he called non-OECD coun- tries. He found a larger mean effect size for non-OECD nations in science literacy than when OECD and non-OECD were combined. He claims that “a focus on the combined sample overlooks the pattern of **gender** differences at a national level where girls show small but meaningful gains over boys in science literacy across large parts of the world” (Reilly 2012, p. 8). The findings of the current study further highlight the need for some form of classification to capture the importance of sociocultural and motivational fac- tors in shaping **mathematics**-related affect. One of the main implications of this study is that the smaller sociocultural, economic, and educational **gender** gap does not neces- sarily mean more parity in boys’ and girls’ affect related to **mathematics**. For instance, in terms of “liking **mathematics**”, the maximum **gender** disparity in favor of boys for fourth graders was observed for France which in World Economic Forum’s Global **Gender** Gap Report (2019) was among top eleven countries in terms of **gender** equality. Germany and England were two other examples of countries with high ratings for **gender** equality but among the countries with most **gender** disparity in liking **mathematics** in favor of boys. Regarding **mathematics** self-confidence, Germany, Belgium, and Netherlands were three countries with most **gender** disparity for fourth graders and England, Sweden, and Australia for eighth graders in favor of boys and again these are countries with high standards in terms of sociocultural, political, and educational **gender** equality in GGGR (2017). Note that all of these countries are in Europe.

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The sample of this study consisted of 1221 junior secondary pupils (531 boys and 690 girls) of 9 th and 10 th grades and their **mathematics** teachers from 4 co- educational schools (2 private and 2 state schools) of Maputo City, the Capital of Mozambique. To gather data an Attitude Scale and a Classroom Observation Schedule were developed and used by the researcher based respectively on the “Modified Fennema-Sherman **Mathematics** Attitude Scale” - MAS, and the FIAC – Flanders Interaction Analysis Category, [30], and the “Brophy and Good Dyadic systems” for classroom observations [20]. The decision to use an attitude scale and observational methods is supported by the research methodology of previous studies, by [28] and [9], where these types of instruments have been used to carry out effective data collection. Statistical data analysis was performed using the “SPSS” for Windows and, in general these analyses considered **gender** and age group as the independent variables. Thus, in order to find out the possible **gender** patterns in the classroom interactions between the pupils and their **mathematics** teacher, a grid was developed by the researcher covering the most usual interactions that occur during a **mathematics** lesson in Mozambique which would be judged to involve individual pupil or the whole class.

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over the past decades there has been a great deal of research investigating teacher and student **gender** differences in aspects related to **mathematics**. for example, considerable research has examined **gender** differences in teachers’ perceptions of their students’ abilities. early studies suggested that teachers have higher achievement expectations for boys than for girls, especially in male **gender**-typed domains like **mathematics** (li, 1999; meece, Glienke & askew, 2009). however, **gender** differences in teacher expectancies seems to depend on grade level and appear to be more pronounced at higher grade levels. according to turner & meyer (2009), students’ beliefs about why they are motivated to learn **mathematics** are connected to what they are learning (i.e., mathematical knowledge and processes), how they are learning (i.e., instruction, interaction), and where they are learning (i.e., classroom culture). therefore the learning environment teachers create through their instructional practices and interactions with the students are essential sources for student motivation. for example, there is some evidence to suggest that girls respond more negatively than boys to competitive teaching conditions, i.e. classroom environments that focus on demonstrating high competence. other research suggests that girls initiate more interactions with teachers and report higher achievement expectations for **mathematics** in classes where individualized or cooperative learning is the primary mode of instruction (meece et al., 2009).

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Abstract: **Mathematics** has been viewed as a subject favouring male students due to factors like attitude, methods used for teaching and so on. This has resulted to **gender** differences between male and female students in **Mathematics** performance. The study sought to find out the relationship **gender** of students and **mathematics** performance. Descriptive survey design was used in the study to investigate the attitudes of primary school learners towards **mathematics**. Data was collected by use of questionnaires, interview schedules and class examination administered prev iously. The accessible population was teachers of **Mathematics** and Standard Eight learners from selected primary schools in Keiyo South District, Ken ya. Sample study comprised of 300 learners (150 male students and 150 female students) and all teachers of **Mathematics** from the sampled schools in Keiyo South District, Kenya. Stratified random sampling was used to categorize schools in either boarding or day schools. Simple random s ampling was used to select 50 schools from 119 primary schools and 5 male students and 5 female students from each selected Standard Eight class. The study used purposive sampling technique to select **Mathematics** Teachers. Simple random sampling technique was used to select **Mathematics** teachers for interview. Data was collected using questionnaire and interview schedule. It was established that majority of the students (boys and girls) had a positive attitude towards learning of **mathematics**. However, when comparing the attitudes of boys and girls, the results demonstrated t hat boys were more inclined to positive attitudes than girls.

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girl. This alone discourages the girl child from putting up a challenge against the boy in **mathematics** examination. Most of these teachers had not trained as educators. Though most of them did math-based courses, they are not trained teachers and possibly not exposed to appropriate teaching methodology. Having interest in a subject is a positive indication that that student would develop interest in further math-related courses. 13.60% of the students who do not like **mathematics** took the risk to register for math-based arts and math-based science. 52.40% of those who like **mathematics** chose to do math-related courses while 24.00% opted for non-math related courses. The third response variable, school drop-out 0, had 132 YES responses and 118 NO responses. The main reason for this research was based on whether there is **gender** difference between the boy and the girl in mixed senior high schools in the Upper East Region of Ghana. The analysis of the investigation using qualitative factors such as;

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Pupil **Gender** and Achievement: Discussion of how student **gender** may impact educational outcomes has been a crucial topic in Ugandan education services, as differences in power and status between men and women continue to be a passionate societal issue. Notably, Ugandan pupils live in a society where **gender** structures are strictly defined, and **gender** beliefs persist when they enter the school. This section identifies research where the **gender** gap may impact the performance in **mathematics**. **Gender** concerns are not unique to Uganda. **Mathematics** and science disciplines are traditionally dominated by men. Even in the most progressive societies, some maintain that girls are mathematically inferior to boys, with more pronounced differences expected during adolescence (Zuze and Leibbrandt (2011). Girls who choose careers in these fields may face challenges, even open hostility. Recent studies have suggested that expectations for students play a crucial role in how girls and boys perform. For example, Dweck (1986) noted that girls may fail to attain full academic potential if they are made to believe that it is beyond their **gender** or social ability. When Uganda embraced UPE, the challenge was not only for school children, but for quality and equality at the primary level. **Gender** equality took center stage among other issues. Byamugisha (2011) enumerates them as follows: (1) **gender** equality of access, (2) retention, and (3) performance in science and **mathematics**. Muhwezi (2003) notes that a number of projects dealing with the above aspects were established by the Ministry of **Gender**, Labor, and Social Development, to formulate policies as well as monitor progress.

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Globally, many types of research have been done on **mathematics** achievement disparity by **gender** which has given different findings where in some cases difference is found to be significant and in other cases, no difference is found. Fennema (2000) found that **gender** differences exist in grade twelve schools in the USA. On the contrary in Australia Vale's (2009) research revealed that both male and female students perform significantly the same in **mathematics** achievement; though males obtain higher mean scores. This agrees with Ericikan, McCreikth and Lapointe (2005) whose research revealed no significant difference in **mathematics** achievement of male and female students in Mexico. Laura, Mendolia and Contini (2016) found that the **gender** gap in educational outcomes advantaging boys has been filled up in most industrialized countries such as Italy and Germany. In the United Arab Emirates, a study by Alkhateeb (2001) observed that female students perform better than their male counterparts in high school **mathematics**.

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The chief inference made in the present study is that gender differences in mathematics anxiety for student teachers are associated with experience during high school to a significant [r]

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1990; Miller & Bichsel, 2004), in some studies (Peker & Şentürk, 2012; Uysal & Selışık, 2016; Dursun & Bindak, 2011), the anxiety levels of men are higher. Research showing that there is no significant relationship between **gender** and **mathematics** anxiety and overlapping with our study (Ma, 1999; Yüksel-Şahin, 2004; Arıkan, 2004; Aydın, 2011; Gierl & Bisanz, 1995; Lussier, 1996; Dede & Dursun, 2008; Dursun & Bindak, 2011; Aydın & Keskin, 2017; Eskici & Ilgaz, 2019; Aydın, 2011; Taşdemir, 2015; Yücel & Koç, 2011; Adal & Yavuz, 2017; Tuncer & Yılmaz, 2016; Küçük Demir et al., 2016) it is also possible to come across. As a result of the literature review, it is seen that **mathematics** anxiety is an important affective factor closely related to many subjects ranging from attitude towards **mathematics** to success, from avoiding **mathematics** to career and career choice. In this context, it is important to determine the **mathematics** anxiety levels of the students and to examine them according to various variables.

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