traditional ecological knowledge

sub-region with specific focus on the pastoral and agro- pastoral zones as well as northern and southern Karamoja representation. Thus, Kotido district represented the agro- pastoral and northern Karamoja zone, Moroto district represented the pastoral zone (Rupa and Katikekile sub- counties) and Napak district represented the agricultural and agro-pastoral zones of central to southern Karamoja (Lotome sub-county has close proximity to Lorengduat and Nabilatuk in southern Karamoja). Questionnaires were pro- portionately allocated to the three districts; thus, 75 house- holds were interviewed in Napak district, 44 in Moroto district and 79 in Kotido district. Data was collected from two sub-counties and two parishes in each district, thus Lotome and Lokopo in Napak district, Rupa and Katikekile in Moroto district and Nakapelimoru and Panyangara in Kotido district. Twelve parishes including Moruongor, Akalale, Lorikitae, Namujit, Kalokengel, Lia, Mogoth, Watakau, Potoongor, Rikitae and Loposa were utilized in data collection. The survey team collected data from 53 vil- lages in the sub-region. Respondents were asked to assess forage availability by month across the year using their long-held traditional ecological knowledge. Similarly, re- spondents were asked to assess perceived quality of avail- able forages using a Likert scale (1 = excellent, 2 = very good, 3 = good, 4 = fair and 5 = poor). To help respondents arrive at a judgment of perceived forage quality, we jointly developed a list of indicators with the elders, youth and herders during the pre-test. These included the following: forage palatability, digestibility, animal health and size of faecal pats deposited by animals when grazing.

Under contemporary circumstances, rural villages in Northeast Thailand are experiencing a good deal of change. There is an increasing need for cash and much of the younger adult population has migrated to seek employment in Bangkok. Associated with this change is the concomitant change in household structure. The mat- rilocal residential stem family common to the Thai-Lao population in the region [17,23] is changing and house- hold composition consists increasingly of grandparents raising grandchildren (primarily children of their daugh- ters and son-in-laws). One of the primary questions we had in developing the research presented in this paper is what do children know about wild foods and is there a difference between children who are being raised by grandparents compared to those being raised by their par- ents? Will we find an indication of the hindrance of trans- mission that can lead to loss? This loss has been reported in a number of studies at various world locations [24-27]. Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) or indigenous knowledge (IK) is largely transmitted through socializa- tion within the household context. It requires family wholeness and considerable interpersonal relations as a channel of intergenerational cultural transmission and it is learned mostly along gender lines. Thus, the composi- tion of the household may have significant implications for communication of knowledge and values to children [28,29].

Reflecting on the importance of dynamic agricultural management techniques in addressing climate change and food security, this paper examines the Hani rice terraces of southern Yunnan as a Globally Important Agricultural Heritage System (GIAHS). It identifies local inhabitants’ traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) as a key source of their success, and uses research conducted in Dayutang Village, Yuanyang County from May 4- June 2, 2015 through participative observation and guided conversation to explore the role of Hani TEK in sustainable food sourcing around the village. The TEK used in food sourcing in Dayutang is shown not only to provide villagers with stable and diverse diets, but also to connect various ecological niches into a resilient whole. This paper then elaborates upon the impact of modern changes upon this food sourcing system, and identifies the emergence of a new ‘hybrid’ form of TEK. Discussing TEK as a complex, adaptive knowledge system, it recognizes some key methodological difficulties of approaching it through the reductionist research paradigm. Finally, it concludes by considering the implications of the complexity and epistemological foundation of TEK on future research

Hornbills are slow-breeding species requiring large tracts of forests to survive. The estimated offspring pro- duction rate of Rhinoceros Hornbills breeding once in 1.5 years is 2.0625 per 10 birds in the population [19]. For the survival of our remaining rainforests, it is critical that these offspring grow into maturity and fulfil their ecological role. However, forest loss, logging and hunting pose severe challenges to the survival of extant hornbill species [20, 21]. The island of Borneo where Brunei Dar- ussalam is situated is home to eight species of hornbills: Anthracoceros malayanus (Asian Black Hornbill), Anthra- coceros albirostris (oriental pied hornbill), Anorrhinus galeritus (Bushy-crested Hornbill), Berenicornis comatus (White-crested Hornbill/White-crowned hornbill), Buceros rhinoceros (Rhinoceros Hornbill), Rhabdotorrhi- nus corrugatus (Wrinkled Hornbill), Rhinoplax vigil (Hel- meted Hornbill) and Rhyticeros undulatus (Wreathed Hornbill). All these species except A. albirostris are of im- mediate concern from the conservation point of view [22]. In Borneo, hunting of hornbills by various communi- ties is one of the reasons for the rapid decline in their populations [23]. Feathers of Helmeted, Rhinoceros and Asian Black Hornbills are used by Iban and Orang Ulu men and women as adornments during traditional dances performed during festivals such as the Gawai Kenyalang, while their casque is used to make earrings [19, 21]. Researchers have questioned if hornbills, cul- ture and hunting practices can co-exist [19]. Loss of for- ests and cultural loss have happened on parallel fronts in Borneo, leading to either downscaling or abandoning of festivals such as Gawai [24]. However, there is no decline in hunting, and the advent of commercial hunting and shotguns have only aggravated the rate of species loss due to hunting [23, 25]. A report by Hadiprakarsa et al. [26] shows that around 6000 helmeted hornbills are hunted per year in the Indonesian Borneo. Bennett et al. [23], while discussing the magnitude of animals hunted by loggers, commented that the loggers who were adept in hunting were Ibans from traditional hunting back- grounds, offering a glimpse of the traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) possessed by the Iban hunters [25]. Decades of hard work by researchers have ensured that we have quality scientific data on the hornbills of the Sundaland hotspot [10, 11, 13, 16, 19, 20, 23, 26 – 28]. The cultural im- portance of hornbills to Borneo’s indigenous communities such as Ibans has also been fairly documented [24, 29–32]. However, there is dearth of studies on the TEK on hornbills of Borneo and nearby regions. The documentation of Iban TEK on wild birds in Sarawak [33] and the exceptional work

Spatiotemporal traditional ecological knowledge (ST-TEK) has been largely underestimated in current geographic information systems (GIS) models. However, there are multiple ways of categorizing space, time and events. These often fall outside of the clock and calendar time, of cadastral space, of crisp (non-fuzzy) timestamps, and of demarcated boundaries. Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) often comes in the form of a more abstracted sense of the right time and place for some given activities. The data does not always have solid coordinates attached. The times involved are seldom unambiguous. Patterns of behaviour are often recurrent. Much of the data is qualitative, and its quantitative aspects are not always accurately parsed by the western calendar. This paper presents an intuitive model for representing traditional and Indigenous ST-TEK, and provides a recipe for a more complex understanding of space and time than is currently available with current GIS designs.

In January 2017, the UO Vice-President of Research and Innovation released a call for proposals to fund an Environmental Humanities award, which would serve as two-years of seed funding, to develop a project that would be expected to seek larger external funding by the end of the award. Using the Native Strategies group as a sounding board, Michelle Jacob shared ideas about what became the proposal entitled: Indigenous Traditional Ecological Knowledge (ITEK): An Interdisciplinary Research Partnership at UO. For over a month, feedback was sought, letters of support were invited, and in-kind support was requested. The response was overwhelming, with 13 faculty named as collaborators who would provide direct support for the project, and three additional letters of support from the Native Strategies group, the Dean of the College of Education, the Dean of the Graduate School, and the Assistant Vice-President and Advisor to the President on Sovereignty and Government-to-Government Relations (a position that resides in the Office of the President at UO). It was through this month-long process of carefully gathering feedback and securing partnerships and support that the proposal was shaped and revised, leading to a theoretical framework that guides the ITEK initiative at UO, and states as the basis of the work that: 1) Tribal Elders are our most precious teachers; 2) Place-based research must benefit Indigenous peoples’ self-determination; 3) Traditional ecological knowledge projects must have an intergenerational teaching and learning focus, to benefit the future generations. The guiding framework is illustrated below in Figure 1. Additionally, we named three goals in the proposal:

Agroecology emerged as a scientific discipline, a movement and a practice to solve the social and environmental challenges associated with the dominant agri-food systems, shifting the emphasis from technology and markets to traditional agroecological knowledge (TAeK), social justice and food sovereignty [16,17]. On the one hand, agroecology as practice entails the idea that “agroecosystems should mimic the biodiversity levels and functioning of natural ecosystems”, while simultaneously improving farmers’ livelihood and enhancing the appreciation of their TAeK [18] (p. 34). TAeK builds from the concept of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and refers to a cumulative body of knowledges, practices and beliefs about the relation of a cultural group and their agroecosystem, that have evolved by adaptive processes and been handed down through generations by cultural transmission (adapted from [19]). TAeK is underpinned by agrobiodiversity: it is central to maintaining and managing ecosystems because cultural practices are often dependent on specific elements of biodiversity [20]. Despite the increasing recognition of TAeK’s social-ecological importance, the word “traditional” is often associated with antiquity, inefficiency and stagnation and regarded as outdated and obsolete [21–23]. This notion does not capture TAeK as a dynamic, constantly evolving body of knowledge that could complement scientific knowledge and modern techniques [20]. In contrast to this thinking is the idea of applying TAeK innovatively in agri-food systems to provide solutions both within and outside the communities that hold said traditional knowledge [24–26]. Through this extension of TAeK into the innovation space, we argue that agroecological practices can be the foundation of certain social-ecological innovations, i.e., innovations considering the interdependence of social and ecological systems [26–28] and aimed at proposing alternatives to the current dominant uniform agri-food system.

Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and folklore are repositories of large amounts of information about the natural world. Ideas, perceptions and empirical data held by human communities regarding local species are important sources which enable new scientific discoveries to be made, as well as offering the potential to solve a number of conservation problems. We documented the gecko-related folklore and TEK of the people of southern Portugal, with the particular aim of understanding the main ideas relating to gecko biology and ecology. Our results suggest that local knowledge of gecko ecology and biology is both accurate and relevant. As a result of information provided by local inhabitants, knowledge of the current geographic distribution of Hemidactylus turcicus was expanded, with its presence reported in nine new locations. It was also discovered that locals still have some misconceptions of geckos as poisonous and carriers of dermatological diseases. The presence of these ideas has led the population to a fear of and aversion to geckos, resulting in direct persecution being one of the major conservation problems facing these animals. It is essential, from both a scientific and conservationist

As Berkes (2012) states, “Survival is the ultimate criterion for verification of traditional ecological knowledge and adaptation is the key…TEK is, above all, the story of how social/ cultural systems adapt to specific ecosystems.” Holling (quoted in Berkes, 2012) proposed that “…the concept of ecosystem resilience as the ability of a system to absorb change and still persist.” Resilience relies on what Riechel-Dolmatoff (quoted in Berkes 2012) has referred to as “social controls of necessity” and in a MM context these are things like tapu (restrictions), noa (allowing access), mauri (life force), utu (reciprocal exchange), kaihaukai (ability to practice recognised authority of resources), and tuku whenua ( land and/or resources given for a purpose). These are values-driven controls and as such remain as a strong part of the way Māori think of themselves to belong to particular landscapes and ecosystems. The social roles also go beyond the practical and spread out to become: ”An essential function of interrelatedness of all things means that a person has to fulfil many functions that go far beyond his or her social roles, and that are extra societal extensions of a set of adaptive norms. These norms guide a person’s relationship not only with other people but also with animals, plants, and other components of the environment” ( Reichel- Dolmatoff quoted in Berkes, 2012).

Traditional Ecological Knowledge via a GIS-based DSS. Results from the 2006 dugong aerial survey conducted by Helene Marsh and her Group (MTSRF Program 4 – Project 1.4.2) were also discussed with community members. We found that presenting the results of the dugong aerial surveys as a continuous spatial model was an effective method of communicating the aerial survey results. Islanders found the maps of dugong distribution and relative density very easy to understand and many said that this Western Science information was congruent with their Indigenous Knowledge. The Islanders’ positive reactions to the maps of our continuous spatial model contrasted with their much less positive reactions to our previous presentations of the aerial survey results as maps showing dugong sightings as point data, a format preferred by some western environmental managers. In our experience, Indigenous people find the point data difficult to comprehend and to relate to their own knowledge.

Assessing the correspondence of data collected and trans- formed with different methods should contribute to eth- nobiological studies, and particularly to studies of traditional ecological knowledge, in two ways. First, assessing the correspondence of data collected and trans- formed with different methods will enhance cross-cul- tural comparisons. For example, quantitative studies about the determinants of the loss of traditional ecologi- cal knowledge show conflicting results across sites. Some studies suggest that socio-economic changes do not decrease traditional ecological knowledge [6], others sug- gest that only certain socioeconomic changes decrease tra- ditional ecological knowledge [11,12], and still others suggest that integration into the market economy through activities based on the natural environment could acceler- ate the acquisition of ecological knowledge [13]. Diver- gent conclusions might reflect the use of different methods because different methods might have captured dimensions of traditional ecological knowledge that do not necessarily overlap [14]. Cross-cultural comparisons about the acquisition, transmission, and loss of tradi- tional ecological knowledge will be enhanced when researchers use methods with acceptable reliability.

The value of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) as a source of natural resource and environmental management (NREM) practices is widely acknowledged. Extensive evidence has shown the effectiveness of TEK in monitoring complex ecological processes (Chalmers & Fabricius, 2007), in adding knowledge to scientific knowledge systems (Johannes, Freeman & Hamilton, 2000; Moller, Berkes, Lyver & Kislalioglu, 2004) and in providing adaptive approaches to the management of complex social-ecological systems (Mazzocchi, 2006). In summary, TEK can enrich the Western approach to NREM, historically based on the domination of ecosystems, with an emphasis on steady states and predictable yields which often cause the loss of resilience of social-ecological systems (Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000). In addition TEK can support many environmentally based livelihoods, which represent a potential source of income for indigenous communities, as observed in Australia (Altman, 2004).

ABSTRACT. In many developing regions of Melanesia, fishers’ traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) has been integrated with western science and management knowledge (SMK) to generate innovative and effective fisheries management. Previous research suggests that three factors initiate this process: depleted fishery stocks, limited SMK, and ownership of resources by local communities. In other contexts the extent of power-sharing through comanagement, and the cultural significance of species may also be important determinants of knowledge integration. Here we assess the role of these factors in the application of TEK in the Torres Strait Islands, Australia, where commercial and subsistence fisheries are fundamental to the Indigenous Melanesian culture and livelihoods. In 2009 we surveyed fishery managers and scientists who revealed that TEK had only been recently and sparingly applied in four fisheries (turtle, dugong, lobster, and hand collectables), and only two of the seven species concerned had a combination of depleted stocks, low SMK, and high community ownership. Instead, comanagement characteristics and the cultural value of species were the primary determinants of TEK application. We suggest that turtles and dugong are cultural keystone species that simultaneously provide important ecosystem services to both islanders’ livelihoods and international conservation interests. Combined with their ecological scale these species have catalyzed comanagement between indigenous and government stakeholders, precipitating the application of TEK in other fisheries of lesser cultural importance. We discuss modifications to governance required to enable knowledge integration to evolve further through adaptive comanagement, and its role in enhancing fisheries management and thus the resilience of the Torres Strait social-ecological system. Our study highlights the potential utility of cultural keystone species in stimulating cross-cultural resource governance in developed economies such as Australia.

It is also possible that the content of our questionnaires does not measure the relevant information: maybe knowl- edge about how to make these items is associated with the skill of making them, and our questions do not capture that knowledge. To develop the questionnaires, we asked several people to describe the process of creating bows, arrows, and bags, and chose questions about steps where there were discrepancies between people’s descriptions. Each of these questions asks which materials can be used at a specific step in the process. It may be that the impor- tant variation in knowledge about making these items lies elsewhere (e.g., knowing the angle of curvature of the bow, the speed at which cotton must be spun, etc.). However, we chose our questions to be comparable to those used in other TEK research. The majority of studies measur- ing knowledge about uses of plants do so using yes/no questions asking whether a particular plant can be used for some purpose (e.g. [5,8,61]). This is an entirely rea- sonable and common sense approach, but we still do not know if our measure of knowledge captured the relevant knowledge and we cannot test this here. Since our method is comparable to other studies using CCA [10,38-43] and other agreement-based indices [61,62] to measure TEK, we maintain that our findings are relevant.

The researchers’ job in offering an actor-network account is to allow the actors to speak for themselves, heeding to three principles: Agnosticism or impartiality, generalized symmetry and free association (Philipps, 2007; Law, 2004: 102). Impartiality refers to an indifference of the researcher towards truth and falsehood (Law, 2004) as well as ready-made explanatory frameworks or theories (Latour, 2005). In this sense, ANT does not offer a ‘framework’ for social analysis: ‘[…] Its main tenet is that actors themselves make everything, including their own frames […]’ (Latour, 2005: 147). It is the researchers’ job to remain impartial to the actor’s framework and not force them into one that renders them voiceless. An ANT account also abstains from investigating the truth or falsehood of statements (Law, 2004: 102). Symmetry in ANT then refers to the coproduction of ‘nature’ (reality, the material world) and ‘culture’ (society, the human world) and the methodological distinction that is arbitrarily laid between these spheres and influences their analysis in social sciences: ‘When a hammer hits a nail, it is not social. But when the image of a hammer is crossed with that of a sickle, then it graduates to the social realm because it enters the ‘symbolic order’. Every object was thus divided in two, scientists and engineers taking the largest part— efficacy, causality, material connections—and leaving the crumbs to the specialists of ‘the social’ or ‘the human’ dimension.’ (Latour, 2005: 83). The arbitrary line that is drawn here limits severely what we can investigate as sociologists ‘the incommensurability between the two [material and social] will render invisible the drawing of what we mean by social connections. How they are associated will be lost for good.’ (Latour, 2005: 110). This study thus treats natural actors and processes occurring in the case region in the same way as human concepts such as corporations, laws and synthetic materials. How knowledge is mobilized in indigenous and subsistence lifestyles cannot be described without paying attention to how materials are mobilized. The same goes for extractive activities of course, which exist for the sole reason of moving materials. In order to reassemble an epistemicide, actors such as laws, rivers, minerals and knowledges must be described as nodes in a network, which together enact a specific reality. Retracing the assembly of heterogeneous actors’ accounts for the different realities enacted in ecological commons or extractive networks, which operate on fundamentally different assumptions (Weston & Bollier, 2013; Klein, 2014; Gudynas, 2015).

During this phase the community assisted researchers in identifying a primary TEK informant for interview/field work who has the expertise and in-depth understanding of the study area as it relates to the project objectives. The researchers accompanied the primary informant in the field numerous times to obtain a first-hand understanding of the study area. As the primary informant became more comfortable with the researchers and more familiar with the scientific methods employed in this study, he made recommendations for additional community informants with comparable project related knowledge of the study area. These recommendations were supported by other community members through statements such as: “Oh yeah, D--- will tell you everything there is to know about the marsh.” and “R--- been around to see a lot of change, a whole lot of change.” All TEK data collection occurred either at a resident’s home or boat, and one map biography was completed at a nearby community center. However, the majority of the data was gathered while out in the field accompanied by 1 to 3 residents at a time. Each field trip to collect TEK data lasted approximately 5 to 8 hours. This TEK field data collection campaign utilized the Collaborative Field Work methods and was modeled after previous research where TEK was used in scientific studies (Huntington, 2000) to locate study sites, obtain specimens and data, and interpret field observations and results. Figure 1 shows the project researchers and community TEK informants in the field recording data.

Because formal school is unlikely to be able to maintain all aspects of TEK, other means may also be necessary. Of the other available means for TEK maintenance, in situ revitalisation efforts appear to hold the most promise [97]. Globally, in situ TEK maintenance initiatives have been created with a wide range of objectives, including the pro- motion of vernacular language, campaigns for human and land rights, and increasing the consumption of traditional foods [97]. Other approaches seek to meld biological and cultural conservation goals for integrated biocultural con- servation [see [98]]. On Malekula, a series of local ‘ kastom schools ’ (small local organisations, independent of the for- mal school, for the teaching of kastom and TEK) provide an interesting case study of in situ TEK conservation (McCarter and Gavin, in preparation). In general, approaches that address the fundamental issues of power imbalance, control over intellectual property, and TEK erosion have promise. However, as noted, there is a real need for more research attention to the challenges inher- ent in maintaining and revitalising TEK, vernacular lan- guage, and cultural continuity more broadly.

Hence, much of the rhetorical energy of Snively and Corsiglia’s (2001) texts is taken up with these moves of translation and appropriation. Establishing the ecological worth of TEK is partly achieved Fuller (2000) has observed, by linking it to nature. Snively and Corsiglia (2001) argue that TEK is “closely tied to place” (p. 16) with complex skills and a great deal of “exceptionally detailed knowledge of local plants and animals and their natural history” (p. 16). As such, it is an extension of nature, in harmony with it. Yet, most of the examples Snively and Corsiglia (2001) give have been interpreted, translated and reported via Western researchers (both scientists and anthropologists), so that a “very considerable number of scientists have “decoded”, transcribed, and interpreted significant quantities of precise indigenous science knowledge” (p. 23). Huggan’s (2001) cultural translation as the

polyrhizum tastes better and is free of a mutton smell. Some villagers mentioned that cattle like Convolvulus arvensis plants best. As the local folk adage says “Bitter Vine, donkeys don't eat, horses don't watch, old cattle come to pull as long noodles, and goats and sheep love to eat”; donkeys and horses do not like “Bitter Vine” (local name for C. arvensis), but cattle like it as much as the local people like long noodles (a kind of pasta that the local people generally like to eat). Several other plants can be used as forage for cattle and sheep only at the early growing period and become toxic and inedible after fruiting, including Lappula myosotis, Lappula squarrosa subsp. Heteracantha, and Xanthium strumar- ium subsp. sibiricum. The green tender plants of these three species are good forage for cattle and sheep but become harmful when the seeds mature because the bristles on the edges of the seeds easily stick to the body. In addition, sheep occasionally eats the flowers of A. mongolicus, as mentioned earlier. However, A. mongoli- cus is an important sand-fixing and ancient plant species in semiarid desertified land and a nationally key pro- tected plant. Therefore, villagers should protect this plant from damage during sheep grazing. The knowledge above is of great significance in the development and production of animal husbandry.

but is not limited to botany knowledge, medicinal appli- cation (collection and/or administration), hunting, fish- ing, gathering, processing of material(s), caretaking such as burning, coppicing, thinning, astronomy, phenology, time, ecological markers, species markers, weather and climate knowledge (Hong et al. 2018). TEK is complex, unique, and can include a suite of experts, institutions, referendums on knowledge, and checks and balances for ensuring the successful creation, accumulation, and transfer of knowledge, information, and ethical guidance on how to use that information (Cochran et al. 2013; Barnhardt and Kawagaley 2005). Ceremonies, such as potlatch ceremonies, and training protocols for har- vesters, as just two examples, have been discussed in the literature as institutions that support the reliability of In- digenous Knowledge systems (Trosper 2009). Cere- monies and ceremonial areas vary from tribal group, area, and location. Some ceremonial practices are intel- lectual property and are not released information, while other ceremonial practices are adjusted and moved depending on TK and TEK.